of 


Pyrrhus 


BY    JACOB    ABBOTT 


WITH  ENGRAVINGS 


NEW  YORK  AND  LONDON 

HARPER    &   BROTHERS   PUBLISHERS 

1904 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  one  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  fifty-four,  by 

HARPER  <fc  BROTHERS, 

in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  Southern  District 
of  New  York. 


PREFACE, 


IN  respect  to  the  heroes  of  ancient  history, 
who  lived  in  times  antecedent  to  the  period 
when  the  regular  records  of  authentic  history 
commence,  no  reliance  can  be  placed  upon  the 
actual  verity  of  the  accounts  which  have  come 
down  to  us  of  their  lives  and  actions.  In  those 
ancient  days  there  was,  in  fact,  no  line  of  de- 
markation  between  romance  and 'history,  and 
the  stories  which  were  told  of  Cyrus,  Darius, 
Xerxes,  Romulus,  Pyrrhus,  and  other  person- 
ages as  ancient  as  they,  are  all  more  or  less  fab- 
ulous and  mythical.  We  learn  this  as  well  from 
the  internal  evidence  furnished  by  the  narra- 
tives themselves  as  from  the  researches  of  mod- 
ern scholars,  who  have  succeeded,  in  many  cases, 
in  disentangling  the  web,  and  separating  the 
false  from  the  true.  It  is  none  the  less  impor- 
tant, however,  on  this  account,  that  these  an- 
cient tales,  as  they  were  originally  told,  and  as 
they  have  come  down  to  us  through  so  many  cen- 
turies, should  be  made  known  to  readers  of  the 


vi  PREFACE. 

present  age.  They  have  teen  circulated  among 
mankind  in  their  original  form  for  twenty  or 
thirty  centuries,  and  they  have  mingled  them- 
selves inextricably  with  the  literature,  the  elo- 
quence, and  the  poetry  of  every  civilized  nation 
on  the  globe.  Of  course,  to  know  what  the 
story  is,  whether  true  or  false,  which  the  ancient 
narrators  recorded,  and  which  has  been  read  and 
commented  on  by  every  succeeding  generation 
to  the  present  day,  is  an  essential  attainment 
for  every  well-informed  man ;  a  far  more  essen- 
tial attainment,  in  fact,  for  the  general  reader, 
than  to  discover  now,  at  this  late  period,  what 
the  actual  facts  were  which  gave  origin  to  the 
fable. 

In  writing  this  series  of  histories,  therefore, 
it  has  been  the  aim  of  the  author  not  to  correct 
the  ancient  story,  but  to  repeat  it  as  it  stands, 
cautioning  the  reader,  however,  whenever  oc- 
casion requires,  not  to  suppose  that  the  marvel- 
ous narratives  are  historically  true. 


CONTENTS. 


•^flapUr  Pag, 

I.  OLYMPIAS    AND  ANTIPATER 13 

II.  CASSANDER 40 

III.  EARLY   LIFE    OF    PYRRHUS 64 

IV.  WARS    IN    MACEDON 86 

V.  WAR    IN   ITALY Ill 

VI.  NEGOTIATIONS 134 

VII.  THE    SICILIAN    CAMPAIGN 159 

VIH.  THE    RETREAT   FROM   ITALY 188 

IX.  THE    FAMILY   OF    LYSIMACHUS 210 

X.  THE    RECONQITEST   OF   MACEDON 235 

XI.  SPARTA 249 

XII.  THE   LAST    CAMPAIGN   OF    PYRRHTJ8 268 


ENGRAVINGS. 


THE    ROMAN    ENCAMPMENT Frontispiece. 

MAP— EMPIRE    OF    PYRRHUS 12 

EURYDICE    IN    PRISON 57 

MAP GRECIAN    EMPIRE 110 

THE    TROPHIES 132 

THE    ELEPHANT    CONCEALED  145 

THE    ASSAULT 177 

THE    ROUT 206 

THE    FALLEN    ELEPHANT 223 

THE    CHARGE 283 

THE    DEATH    OF    PYRRHUS 300 


P  Y  B  R  H  TJ  S, 

CHAPTER  I. 
OLYMPIAS  AND  ANTIPATER. 

Situation  of  the  country  of  Epirus. 

PYRRHUS,  King  of  Epirus,  entered  at  the 
very  beginning  of  his  life  upon  the  extra- 
ordinary series  of  romantic  adventures  which 
so  strikingly  marked  his  career.  He  became 
an  exile  and  a  fugitive  from  his  father's  house 
when  he  was  only  two  years  old,  having  been 
suddenly  borne  away  at  that  period  by  the  at- 
tendants of  the  household,  to  avoid  a  most  im- 
minent personal  danger  that  threatened  him. 
The  circumstances  which  gave  occasion  for  this 
extraordinary  ereption  were  as  follows : 

The  country  of  Epirus,  as  will  be  seen  by  the 
accompanying  map,  was  situated  on  the  eastern 
shore  of  the  Adriatic  Sea,*  and  on  the  south- 
western confines  of  Macedonia.  The  kingdom 
of  Epirus  was  thus  very  near  to,  and  in  some 

*  Se«  th«  opposite  map. 


14  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  336. 

Epirus  and  Macedon.  Their  political  connections. 

respects  dependent  upon,  the  kingdom  of  Mace- 
don. In  fact,  the  public  affairs  of  the  two  coun- 
tries, through  the  personal  relations  and  con< 
nections  which  subsisted  from  time  to  time  be- 
tween the  royal  families  that  reigned  over  them 
respectively,  were  often  intimately  intermin' 
gled,  so  that  there  could  scarcely  be  any  im- 
portant war,  or  even  any  great  civil  dissension 
in  Macedon,  which  did  not  sooner  or  later  draw 
the  king  or  the  people  of  Epirus  to  take  part  in 
the  dispute,  either  on  one  side  or  on  the  other. 
And  as  it  sometimes  happened  that  in  these 
questions  of  Macedonian  politics  the  king  and 
the  people  of  Epirus  took  opposite  sides,  the  af- 
fairs of  the  great  kingdom  were  often  the  means 
of  bringing  into  the  smaller  one  an  infinite  de- 
gree of  trouble  and  confusion. 

The  period  of  Pyrrhus's  career  was  immedi- 
ately subsequent  to  that  of  Alexander  the  Great, 
the  birth  of  Pyrrhus  having  taken  place  about 
four  years  after  the  death  of  Alexander.  At 
this  time  it  happened  that  the  relations  which 
subsisted  between  the  royal  families  of  the  two 
kingdoms  were  very  intimate.  This  intimacy 
arose  from  an  extremely  important  intermar- 
riage which  had  taken  place  between  the  two 
families  in  the  preceding  generation — namely, 


B.C. 336.]  OLYMPIAS  AND  ANTIPATER.  15 

Olympias.  Her  vio.ts  to  Epirus.  Philip. 

the  marriage  of  Philip  of  Macedon  with  Olym- 
pias, the  daughter  of  a  king  of  Epirus.  Philip 
and  Olympias  were  the  father  and  mother  of 
Alexander  the  Great.  Of  course,  during  the 
whole  period  of  the  great  conqueror's  history, 
the  people  of  Epirus,  as  well  as  those  of  Mace- 
don, felt  a  special  interest  in  his  career.  They 
considered  him  as  a  descendant  of  their  own 
royal  line,  as  well  as  of  that  of  Macedon,  and 
so,  very  naturally,  appropriated  to  themselves 
some  portion  of  the  glory  which  he  acquired. 
Olympias,  too,  who  sometimes,  after  her  mar- 
riage with  Philip,  resided  at  Epirus,  and  some- 
times at  Macedon,  maintained  an  intimate  and 
close  connection,  both  with  her  own  and  with 
Philip's  family ;  and  thus,  through  various  re- 
sults of  her  agency,  as  well  as  through  the  fame 
of  Alexander's  exploits,  the  governments  of  the 
two  countries  were  continually  commingled. 

It  must  not,  however,  by  any  means  be  sup- 
posed that  the  relations  which  were  established 
through  the  influence  of  Olympias,  between  the 
courts  of  Epiras  and  of  Macedon,  were  always 
of  a  friendly  character.  They  were,  in  fact, 
often  the  very  reverse.  Olympias  was  a  woman 
of  a  very  passionate  and  ungovernable  temper, 
and  of  a  very  determined  will ;  and  as  Philip 


16  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  336. 

Olympias  as  a  wife.  She  makes  many  difficulties. 

was  himself  as  impetuous  and  as  resolute  as 
she,  the  domestic  life  of  this  distinguished  pair 
was  a  constant  succession  of  storms.  At  the 
commencement  of  her  married  life,  Olympias 
was,  of  course,  generally  successful  in  accom- 
plishing her  purposes.  Among  other  measures, 
she  induced  Philip  to  establish  her  brother  upon 
the  throne  of  Epirus,  in  the  place  of  another 
prince  who  was  more  directly  in  the  line  of  suc- 
cession. As,  however,  the  true  heir  did  not,  on 
this  account,  relinquish  his  claims,  two  parties 
were  formed  in  the  country,  adhering  respect- 
ively to  the  two  branches  of  the  family  that 
claimed  the  throne,  and  a  division  ensued, 
which,  in  the  end,  involved  the  kingdom  of 
Epirus  in  protracted  civil  wars.  While,  there- 
fore, Olympias  continued  to  hold  an  influence 
over  her  husband's  mind,  she  exercised  it  in 
such  a  way  as  to  open  sources  of  serious  calam- 
ity and  trouble  for  her  own  native  land. 

After  a  time,  however,  she  lost  this  influence 
entirely.  Her  disputes  with  Philip  ended  at 
length  in  a  bitter  and  implacable  quarrel.  Phil- 
ip married  another  woman,  named  Cleopatra, 
partly,  indeed,  as  a  measure  of  political  alliance, 
and  partly  as  an  act  of  hostility  and  hatred 
against  Olympias,  whom  he  accused  of  the  most 


B.C.336.J  OLYMPIAS  AND  ANTIPATER.  17 

Alexander  takes  part  with  his  mother  in  her  quarrel. 

disgraceful  crimes.  Olympias  went  home  to 
Epirus  in  a  rage,  and  sought  refuge  in  the  court 
of  her  brother. 

Alexander,  her  son,  was  left  behind  at  Mace- 
don  at  this  separation  between  his  father  and 
mother.  He  was  then  about  nineteen  years  of 
age.  He  took  part  with  his  mother  in  the  con- 
test. It  is  true,  he  remained  for  a  time  at  the 
court  of  Philip  after  his  mother's  departure,  but 
his  mind  was  in  a  very  irritable  and  sullen 
mood  ;  and  at  length,  on  the  occasion  of  a  great 
public  festival,  an  angry  conversation  between 
Alexander  and  Philip  occurred,  growing  out  of 
some  allusions  which  were  made  to  Olympias 
by  some  of  the  guests,  in  the  course  of  which 
Alexander  openly  denounced  and  defied  the  king, 
and  then  abruptly  left  the  court,  and  went  off 
to  Epirus  to  join  his  mother.  Of  course  the  at- 
tention of  the  people  of  Epirus  was  strongly  at- 
tracted to  this  quarrel,  and  they  took  sides,  some 
with  Philip,  and  some  with  Olympias  and  Alex- 
ander. 

Not  very  long  after  this,  Philip  was  assassin- 
ated in  the  most  mysterious  and  extraordinary 
manner.*  Olympias  was  generally  accused  of 

*  For  a  full  account  of  this  transaction,  see  "  History  of 
Alexander  the  Great." 
22—2 


18  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  336 

Olympias  is  suspected  of  having  murdered  her  husband. 

having  been  the  instigator  of  this  deed.  There 
was  no  positive  evidence  of  her  guilt ;  nor,  on 
the  other  hand,  had  there  ever  been  in  her  char- 
acter and  conduct  any  such  indications  of  the 
presence  of  even  the  ordinary  sentiments  of 
justice  and  humanity  in  her  heart  as  could 
form  a  presumption  of  her  innocence.  In  a 
word,  she  was  such  a  woman  that  it  was  more 
easy  and  natural,  as  it  seemed,  for  mankind  to 
believe  her  guilty  than  innocent ;  and  she  has 
accordingly  been  very  generally  condemned, 
though  on  very  slender  evidence,  as  accessory 
to  the  crime. 

Of  course,  the  death  of  Philip,  whether  Olym- 
pias was  the  procurer  of  it  or  not,  was  of  the 
greatest  conceivable  advantage  to  her  in  respect 
to  its  effect  upon  her  position,  and  upon  the  pro- 
motion of  her  ambitious  schemes.  The  way 
was  at  once  opened  again  for  her  return  to 
Macedon.  -Alexander,  her  son,  succeeded  im- 
mediately to  the  throne.  He  was  very  young, 
and  would  submit,  as  she  supposed,  very  readily 
to  the  influence  of  his  mother.  This  proved, 
in  fact,  in  some  sense  to  be  true.  Alexander, 
whatever  may  have  been  his  faults  in  other  re^ 
spects,  was  a  very  dutiful  son.  He  treated  his 
mother,  as  long  as  he  lived,  with  the  utmost 


B.C. 330.]  OLYMPIAS  ANDANTIPATER.  19 

Alexander's  treatment  of  his  mother. 

consideration  and  respect,  while  yet  he  would 
not  in  any  sense  subject  himself  to  her  author- 
ity and  influence  in  his  political  career.  He 
formed  his  own  plans,  and  executed  them  in  his 
own  way ;  and  if  there  was  ever  at  any  time 
any  dispute  or  disagreement  between  him  and 
Olympias  hi  respect  to  his  measures,  she  soon 
learned  that  he  was  not  to  be  controlled  in  these 
things,  and  gave  up  the  struggle.  Nor  was  this 
a  very  extraordinary  result;  for  we  often  see 
that  a  refractory  woman,  who  can  not  by  any 
process  be  made  to  submit  to  her  husband,  is 
easily  and  completely  managed  by  a  son. 

Things  went  on  thus  tolerably  smoothly  while 
Alexander  lived.  It  was  only  tolerably,  how- 
ever; for  Olympias,  though  she  always  con- 
tinued on  friendly  terms  with  Alexander  him- 
self, quarreled  incessantly  with  the  command- 
ers and  ministers  of  state  whom  he  left  with 
her  at  Macedon  while  he  was  absent  on  his 
Asiatic  campaigns.  These  contentions  caused 
no  very  serious  difficulty  so  long  as  Alexander 
himself  was  alive  to  interpose,  when  occasion 
required,  and  settle  the  difficulties  and  disputes 
which  originated  in  them  before  they  became 
unmanageable.  Alexander  was  always  adroit 
enough  to  do  this  in  a  manner  that  was  respect- 


20  PVRRHUS.  [B.C.  323. 

His  kind  and  considerate  behavior.  Antipater. 

ful  and  considerate  toward  his  mother,  and 
which  yet  preserved  the  actual  administrative 
power  of  the  kingdom  in  the  hands  to  which  he 
had  intrusted  it. 

He  thus  amused  his  mother's  mind,  and 
soothed  her  irritable  temper  by  marks  of  con- 
sideration and  regard,  and  sustained  her  in  a 
very  dignified  and  lofty  position  in  the  royal 
household,  while  yet  he  confided  to  her  very 
little  substantial  power. 

The  officer  whom  Alexander  had  left  in  chief 
command  at  Macedon,  while  absent  on  his  Asi- 
atic expedition,  was  Antipater.  Antipater  was 
a  very  venerable  man,  then  nearly  seventy  years 
of  age.  He  had  been  the  principal  minister  of 
state  in  Macedonia  for  a  long  period  of  time, 
having  served  Philip  in  that  capacity  with  great 
fidelity  and  success  for  many  years  before  Alex- 
ander's accession.  During  the  whole  term  of 
his  public  office,  he  had  maintained  a  most  ex- 
alted reputation  for  wisdom  and  virtue.  Philip 
placed  the  most  absolute  and  entire  confidence 
in  him,  and  often  committed  the  most  moment- 
ous affairs  to  his  direction.  And  yet,  notwith- 
standing the  illustrious  position  which  Antipa- 
tor  thus  occupied,  and  the  great  influence  and 
control  which  he  exercised  in  the  public  affairs 


B.C. 323.]  OL/MPIAS  AND  ANTIPATER.  21 

Character  of  Antipater.  Alexander's  opinion  of  him. 

of  Macedon,  he  was  simple  and  unpretending  in 
his  manners,  and  kind  and  considerate  to  all 
around  him,  as  if  he  were  entirely  devoid  of  all 
feelings  of  personal  ambition,  and  were  actuated 
only  by  an  honest  and  sincere  devotedness  to 
the  cause  of  those  whom  he  served.  Various 
anecdotes  were  related  of  him  in  the  Macedo- 
nian court,  which  showed  the  estimation  in 
which  he  was  held.  For  example,  Philip  one 
day,  at  a  time  when  placed  in  circumstances 
which  required  special  caution  and  vigilance  on 
his  part,  made  his  appearance  at  a  late  hour  in 
the  morning,  and  he  apologized  for  it  by  saying 
to  the  officers,  "  I  have  slept  rather  late  this 
morning,  but  then  I  knew  that  Antipater  was 
awake."  Alexander,  too,  felt  the  highest  re- 
spect and  veneration  for  Antipater's  character. 
At  one  time  some  person  expressed  surprise  that 
Antipater  did  not  clothe  himself  in  "a  purple  robe 
— the  badge  of  nobility  and  greatness — as  the 
other  great  commanders  and  ministers  of  state 
were  accustomed  to  do.  "  Those  men,"  said 
Alexander,  "  wear  purple  on  the  outside,  but 
Antipater  is  purple  within." 

The  whole  country,  in  a  word,  felt  so  much 
confidence  in  the  wisdom,  the  justice,  and  the 
moderation  of  Antipater,  that  they  submitted 


22  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  323. 

Olympias  makes  a  great  deal  of  trouble. 

very  readily  to  his  sway  during  the  absence 
of  Alexander.  Olympias,  however,  caused  him 
continual  trouble.  In  the  exercise  of  his  re- 
gency, he  governed  the  country  as  he  thought 
his  duty  to  the  people  of  the  realm  and  to  Alex- 
ander required,  without  yielding  at  all  to  the 
demands  or  expectations  of  Olympias.  She, 
consequently,  finding  that  he  was  unmanage- 
able, did  all  in  her  power  to  embarrass  him  in 
his  plans,  and  to  thwart  and  circumvent  him. 
She  wrote  letters  continually  to  Alexander,  com- 
plaining incessantly  of  his  conduct,  sometimes 
misrepresenting  occurrences  which  had  actually 
taken  place,  and  sometimes  making  accusations 
wholly  groundless  and  untrue.  Antipater,  in 
the  same  manner,  in  his  letters  to  Alexander, 
complained  of  the  interference  of  Olympias,  and 
of  the  trouble  and  embarrassment  which  her 
conduct  occasioned  him.  Alexander  succeeded 
for  a  season  in  settling  these  difficulties  more 
or  less  perfectly,  from  time  to  time,  as  they 
arose ;  but  at  last  he  concluded  to  make  a 
change  in  the  regency.  Accordingly,  on  an  oc- 
casion when  a  considerable  body  of  new  re- 
cruits from  Macedon  was  to  be  marched  into 
Asia,  Alexander  ordered  Antipater  to  accompany 
them,  and,  at  the  same  time,  he  sent  home  au- 


B.C. 323.]  OLYMPIAS  A N r>  A N TI P A T E n.  23 


Alexander  sends  Craterus  home. 


other  general  named  Craterus,  in  charge  of  a 
body  of  troops  from  Asia,  whose  term  of  service 
had  expired.*  His  plan  was  to  retain  Antipa- 
ter  in  his  service  in  Asia,  and  to  give  to  Crate- 
rus the  government  of  Macedon,  thinking  it  pos- 
sible, perhaps,  that  Craterus  might  agree  better 
with  Olympias  than  Antipater  had  done. 

Antipater  was  not  to  leave  Macedon  until 
Craterus  should  arrive  there  ;  and  while  Crate- 
rus was  on  his  journey,  Alexander  suddenly  died. 
This  event  changed  the  whole  aspect  of  affairs 
throughout  the  empire,  and  led  to  a  series  of 
very  important  events,  which  followed  each 
other  in  rapid  succession,  and  which  were  the 
means  of  affecting  the  condition  and  the  fortunes 
of  Olympias  in  a  very  material  manner.  The 
state  of  the  case  was  substantially  thus.  The 
story  forms  quite  a  complicated  plot,  which  it 
will  require  close  attention  on  the  part  of  the 
reader  clearly  to  comprehend. 

The  question  which  rose  first  to  the  mind  of 
every  one,  as  soon  as  Alexander's  death  became 
known,  was  that  of  the  succession.  There  was, 
as  it  happened,  no  member  of  Alexander's  own 
family  who  could  be  considered  as  clearly  and 
unquestionably  his  heir.  At  the  time  of  his 

*  For  the  route  from  Macedonia  to  Babylon,  see  map. 


24  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  323. 

Alexander's  wife  Roxana.  Her  babe.  Aridieus. 

death  he  had  no  child.  He  had  a  wife,  however, 
whose  name  was  Roxana,  and  a  child  was  born 
to  her  a  few  months  after  Alexander's  death. 
Roxana  was  the  daughter  of  an  Asiatic  prince. 
Alexander  had  taken  her  prisoner,  with  some 
other  ladies,  at  a  fort  on  a  rock,  where  her  fa- 
ther had  placed  her  for  safety.  Roxana  was 
extremely  beautiful,  and  Alexander,  as  soon  as 
he  saw  her,  determined  to  make  her  his  wife. 
Among  the  thousands  of  captives  that  he  made 
in  his  Asiatic  campaign,  Roxana,  it  was  said, 
was  the  most  lovely  of  all ;  and  as  it  was  only 
about  four  years  after  her  marriage,  that  Alex- 
ander died,  she  was  still  in  the  full  bloom  of 
youth  and  beauty  when  her  son  was  born. 

But  besides  this  son,  born  thus  a  few  months 
after  Alexander's  death,  there  was  a  brother  of 
Alexander,  or,  rather,  a  half-brother,  whose 
claims  to  the  succession  seemed  to  be  more  di- 
rect, for  he  was  living  at  the  time  that  Alexan- 
der died.  The  name  of  his  brother  was  Ari- 
dseus.  He  was  imbecile  in  intellect,  and  wholly 
insignificant  as  a  political  personage,  except  so 
far  as  he  was  by  birth  the  next  heir  to  Alexan- 
der in  the  Macedonian  line.  He  was  not  the 
son  of  Olympias,  but  of  another  mother,  and  his 
imbecility  was  caused,  it  was  said,  by  an  at- 


B.C. 323.]  OLYMPIAS  ANDANTIPATER.  25 

The  two  competing  claimants  to  the  crown. 

tempt  of  Olympias  to  poison  him  in  his  youth. 
She  was  prompted  to  do  this  by  her  rage  and 
jealousy  against  his  mother,  for  whose  sake 
Philip  had  abandoned  her.  The  poison  had 
ruined  the  poor  child's  intellect,  though  it  had 
failed  to  destroy  his  life.  Alexander,  when  he 
succeeded  to  the  throne,  adopted  measures  to 
protect  Aridaeus  from  any  future  attempt  which 
his  mother  might  make  to  destroy  him,  and  for 
this,  as  well  as  perhaps  for  other  reasons,  took 
Aridaeus  with  him  on  his  Asiatic  campaign. 
Aridaeus  and  Roxana  were  both  at  Babylon 
when  Alexander  died. 

Whatever  might  be  thought  of  the  compara- 
tive claims  of  Aridaeus  and  of  Roxana's  babe 
<n  respect  to  the  inheritance  of  the  Macedonian 
crown,  it  was  plain  that  neither  of  them  was 
capable  of  exercising  any  actual  power — Alex- 
ander's son  being  incapacitated  by  his  youth- 
fulness,  and  his  brother  by  his  imbecility.  The 
real  power  fell  immediately  into  the  hands  of 
Alexander's  great  generals  and  counselors  of 
state.  These  generals,  on  consultation  with 
each  other,  determined  not  to  decide  the  ques- 
tion of  succession  in  favor  of  either  of  the  two 
heirs,  but  to  invest  the  sovereignty  of  the  em- 
pire jointly  in  them  both.  So  they  gave  to 


26  PYRR*US.  [B.C.  323. 

Some  account  of  the  Ptolemaic  dynasty. 

Aridaeus  the  name  of  Philip,  and  to  Roxana's 
babe  that  of  Alexander.  They  made  these  two 
princes  jointly  the  nominal  sovereigns,  and  then 
proceeded,  in  their  name,  to  divide  all  the  act- 
ual power  among  themselves. 

In  this  division,  Egypt,  and  the  African  coun- 
tries adjoining  it,  were  assigned  to  a  very  dis- 
tinguished general  of  the  name  of  Ptolemy,  who 
became  the  founder  of  a  long  line  of  Egyptian 
sovereigns,  known  as  the  Ptolemaic  dynasty 
— the  line  from  which,  some  centuries  later, 
the  renowned  Cleopatra  sprang.  Macedon  and 
Greece,  with  the  other  European  provinces, 
were  allotted  to  Antipater  and  Craterus — Cra- 
terus  himself  being  then  on  the  way  to  Mac- 
edon with  the  invalid  and  disbanded  troops 
whom  Alexander  had  sent  home.  Craterus 
was  in  feeble  health  at  this  time,  and  was  re- 
turning to  Macedon  partly  on  this  account.  In 
fact,  he  was  not  fully  able  to  take  the  active 
command  of  the  detachment  committed  to  him, 
and  Alexander  had  accordingly  sent  an  officer 
with  him,  named  Polysperchon,  who  was  to  as- 
sist him  in  the  performance  of  his  duties  on  the 
march.  This  Polysperchon,  as  will  appear  in 
the  sequel,  took  a  very  important  part  in  the 
events  which  occurred  in  Macedonia  after  he 
and  Craterus  had  arrived  there. 


B.C. 323.]  OLYMPIAS  AND  ANTIPATER.  27 

The  distribution  of  Alexander's  empire. 

In  addition  to  these  great  and  important 
provinces — that  of  Egypt  in  Africa,  and  Mace- 
don  and  Greece  in  Europe — there  were  various 
other  smaller  ones  in  Asia  Minor  and  in  Syria, 
which  were  assigned  to  different  generals  and 
ministers  of  state  who  had  been  attached  to  the 
service  of  Alexander,  and  who  all  now  claimed 
their  several  portions  in  the  general  distribution 
of  power  which  took  place  after  his  death.  The 
distribution  gave  at  first  a  tolerable  degree  of 
satisfaction.  It  was  made  in  the  name  of  Phil- 
ip the  king,  though  the  personage  who  really 
controlled  the  arrangement  was  Perdiccas,  the 
general  who  was  nearest  to  the  person  of  Alex- 
ander, and  highest  in  rank  at  the  time  of  the 
great  conqueror's  decease.  In  fact,  as  soon  as 
Alexander  died,  Perdiccas  assumed  the  com- 
mand of  the  army,  and  the  general  direction 
of  affairs.*  He  intended,  as  was  supposed,  to 
make  himself  emperor  in  the  place  of  Alexan- 
der. At  first  he  had  strongly  urged  that  Rox- 
ana's  child  should  be  declared  heir  to  the  throne, 
to  the  exclusion  of  Aridaeus.  His  secret  motive 

*  The  death  of  Alexander  took  place,  and  the  distribu- 
tion here  referred  to  was  made  at  Babylon.  For  the  situ- 
ation of  this  city  in  reference  to  Macedon  and  the  inter- 
vening countries,  see  map. 


28  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  323. 

Compromise  between  the  rival  claims. 

in  this  was,  that  by  governing  as  regent  during 
the  long  minority  of  the  infant,  he  might  pre- 
pare the  way  for  finally  seizing  the  kingdom 
himself.  The  other  generals  of  the  army,  how- 
ever, would  not  consent  to  this ;  they  were  in- 
clined to  insist  that  Aridseus  should  be  king. 
The  army  was  divided  on  this  question  for  some 
days,  and  the  dispute  ran  very  high.  It  seemed, 
in  fact,  for  a  time,  that  there  was  no  hope  that 
it  could  be  accommodated.  There  was  every 
indication  that  a  civil  war  must  ensue  —  to 
break  out  first  under  the  very  walls  of  Baby- 
lon. At  length,  however,  as  has  already  been 
stated,  the  question  was  compromised,  and  it 
was  agreed  that  the  crown  of  Alexander  should 
become  the  joint  inheritance  of  Aridseus  and  of 
the  infant  child,  and  that  Perdiccas  should  ex- 
ercise at  Babylon  the  functions  of  regent.  Of 
course,  when  the  division  of  the  empire  was 
made,  it  was  made  in  the  name  of  Philip ;  for 
the  child  of  Roxana,  at  the  time  of  the  division, 
was  not  yet  born.  But,  though  made  in  King 
Philip's  name,  it  was  really  the  work  of  Perdic- 
cas. His  plan,  it  was  supposed,  in  the  assign- 
ment of  provinces  to  the  various  generals,  was 
to  remove  them  from  Babylon,  and  give  them 
employment  in  distant  fields,  where  they  would 


B.C. 321.]  OLYMPIAS  ANDANTIPATER.  29 

Question  of  marriage.  Cleopatra.  Nicaea. 

not  interfere  with  him  in  the  execution  of  his 
plans  for  making  himself  master  of  the  supreme 
power. 

After  these  arrangements  had  been  made, 
and  the  affairs  of  the  empire  had  been  tolerably 
well  settled  for  the  time  being  by  this  distribu- 
tion of  power,  and  Perdiccas  began  to  consider 
what  ulterior  measures  he  should  adopt  for  the 
widening  and  extending  of  his  power,  a  question 
arose  which  for  a  season  greatly  perplexed  him  : 
it  was  the  question  of  his  marriage.  Two  pro- 
posals were  made  to  him — one  by  Olympias, 
and  one  by  Antipater.  Each  of  these  person- 
ages had  a  daughter  whom  they  were  desirous 
that  Perdiccas  should  make  his  wife.  The 
daughter  of  Olympias  was  named  Cleopatra — 
that  of  Antipater  was  Mcsea.  Cleopatra  was 
a  young  widow.  She  was  residing  at  this  time 
in  Syria.  She  had  been  married  to  a  king  of 
Epirus  named  Alexander,  but  was  now  residing 
in  Sardis,  hi  Asia  Minor.  Some  of  the  counsel- 
ors of  Perdiccas  represented  to  him  very  strongly 
that  a  marriage  with  her  would  strengthen  his 
position  more  than  any  other  alliance  that  he 
could  form,  as  she  was  the  sister  of  Alexander 
the  Great,  and  by  his  marriage  with  her  he 
would  secure  to  his  side  the  influence  of  Olym- 


30  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  321. 

Nicsea  is  sent  to  Babylon.  Antipater's  plan. 

pias  and  of  all  of  Alexander's  family.  Perdic- 
cas  so  far  acceded  to  these  views  that  he  sent  a 
messenger  to  Sardis  to  visit  Cleopatra  in  his 
name,  and  to  make  her  a  present.  Olympias 
and  Cleopatra  accordingly  considered  the  ar- 
rangement a  settled  affair. 

In  the  mean  time,  however,  Antipater,  who 
seems  to  have  been  more  in  earnest  in  his  plans, 
sent  off  his  daughter  Mcsea  herself  to  Babylon, 
to  be  offered  directly  to  Perdiccas  there.  She 
arrived  at  Babylon  after  the  messenger  of  Per- 
diccas had  gone  to  visit  Cleopatra.  The  arrival 
of  Nicaea  brought  up  very  distinctly  to  the  mind 
of  Perdiccas  the  advantages  of  an  alliance  with 
Antipater.  Olympias,  it  is  true,  had  a  great 
name,  but  she  possessed  no  real  power.  Anti- 
pater, on  the  other  hand,  held  sway  over  a  wide- 
ly-extended region,  which  comprised  some  of  the 
most  wealthy  and  populous  countries  on  the 
globe.  He  had  a  large  army  under  his  com- 
mand, too,  consisting  of  the  bravest  and  best- 
disciplined  troops  in  the  world ;  and  he  himself, 
though  advanced  in  age,  was  a  very  able  and 
effective  commander.  In  a  word,  Perdiccas  was 
persuaded,  by  these  and  similar  considerations, 
that  the  alliance  of  Antipater  would  be  more 
serviceable  to  him  than  that  of  Olympias,  and 


B.C. 321.]  OLYMPIAS  AND  ANTIPATER.  31 

Another  matrimonial  question.  Cynane. 

he  accordingly  married  Nicsea.  Olympias,  who 
had  always  hated  Antipater  before,  was  now, 
when  she  found  herself  thus  supplanted  by  him 
in  her  plans  for  allying  herself  with  Perdiccas, 
aroused  to  the  highest  pitch  of  indignation  and 
rage. 

Besides  the  marriage  of  Perdiccas,  another 
matrimonial  question  arose  about  this  time, 
which  led  to  a  great  deal  of  difficulty.  There 
was  a  lady  of  the  royal  family  of  Macedon 
named  Cynane — a  daughter  of  Philip  of  Mace- 
don, and  half-sister  of  Alexander  the  Great — 
who  had  a  daughter  named  Ada.  Cynane  con- 
ceived the  design  of  marrying  her  daughter  to 
King  Philip,  who  was  now,  as  well  as  Roxana 
and  her  babe;  in  the  hands  of  Perdiccas  as  their 
guardian.  Cynane  set  out  from  Macedon  with 
her  daughter,  on  the  journey  to  Asia,  in  order 
to  carry  this  arrangement  into  effect.  This  was 
considered  as  a  very  bold  undertaking  on  the 
part  of  Cynane  and  her  daughter ;  for  Perdiccas 
would,  of  course,  be  implacably  hostile  to  any 
plan  for  the  marriage  of  Philip,  and  especially 
so  to  his  marrying  a  princess  of  the  royal  family 
of  Macedon.  In  fact,  as  soon  as  Perdiccas  heard 
of  the  movement  which  Cynane  was  making, 
he  was  enraged  at  the  audacity  of  it,  and  sent 


'32  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  321. 

Excitement  in  the  army.  Ada's  new  name.  Various  intrigues. 

messengers  to  intercept  Cynane  and  murder  her 
on  the  way.  This  transaction,  however,  as  soon 
as  it  was  known,  produced  a  great  excitement 
throughout  the  whole  of  the  Macedonian  army. 
The  army,  in  fact,  felt  so  strong  an  attachment 
for  every  branch  and  every  member  of  the  family 
of  Alexander,  that  they  would  not  tolerate  any 
violence  or  wrong  against  any  one  of  them. 
Perdiccas  was  quite  terrified  at  the  storm  which 
he  had  raised.  He  immediately  countermand- 
ed the  orders  which  he  had  given  to  the  assas- 
sins ;  and,  to  atone  for  his  error  and  allay  the 
excitement,  he  received  Ada,  when  she  arrived 
at  Babylon,  with  great  apparent  kindness,  and 
finally  consented  to  the  plan  of  her  being  mar- 
ried to  Philip.  She  was  accordingly  married  to 
him,  and  the  army  was  appeased.  Ada  received 
at  this  time  the  name  of  Eurydice,  and  she  be- 
came subsequently,  under  that  name,  quite  re- 
nowned in  history. 

During  the  time  in  which  these  several  trans- 
actions were  taking  place,  various  intrigues  and 
contentions  were  going  on  among  the  governors 
of  the  different  provinces  in  Europe  and  Asia, 
which,  as  the  results  of  them  did  not  particu- 
larly affect  the  affairs  of  Epirus,  we  need  not 
here  particularly  describe.  During  all  this  pe- 


B.C. 321.]  OLYMPIAS  AND  ANTIPATER.  33 

Schemes  of  Antipater  and  Ptolemy.  Nicaea. 

riod,  however,  Perdiccas  was  extending  and  ma- 
turing his  arrangements,  and  laying  his  plans 
for  securing  the  whole  empire  to  himself ;  while 
Antipater  and  Ptolemy,  in  Macedon  and  Egypt, 
were  all  the  time  holding  secret  communica- 
tions with  each  other,  and  endeavoring  to  devise 
means  by  which  they  might  thwart  and  circum- 
vent him.  The  quarrel  was  an  example  of  what 
very  often  occurs  in  such  political  systems  as 
the  Macedonian  empire  presented  at  this  time — 
namely,  a  combining  of  the  extremities  against 
the  centre.  For  some  time  the  efforts  of  the 
hostile  parties  were  confined  to  the  maneuvers 
and  counter  -  maneuvers  which  they  devised 
against  each  other.  Antipater  was,  in  fact,  re- 
strained from  open  hostility  against  Perdiccas 
from  a  regard  to  his  daughter  Mcaea,  who,  as 
has  been  already  mentioned,  was  Perdiccas' 
wife.  At  length,  however,  under  the  influence 
of  the  increasing  hostility  which  prevailed  be- 
tween the  two  families,  Perdiccas  determined 
to  divorce  Nicsea,  and  marry  Cleopatra  after  all. 
As  soon  as  Antipater  learned  this,  he  resolved 
at  once  upon  open  war.  The  campaign  com- 
menced with  a  double  operation.  Perdiccas 
himself  raised  an  army ;  and,  taking  Philip  and 
Eurydice,  and  also  Roxana  and  her  babe  in  his 
22—3 


34  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  321. 

Perdiccas'  plans.  A  battle.  Craterus  in  killed. 

train,  he  marched  into  Egypt  to  make  war 
against  Ptolemy.  At  the  same  time,  Antipater 
and  Craterus,  at  the  head  of  a  large  Macedonian 
force,  passed  across  the  Hellespont  into  Asia 
Minor,  on  their  way  to  attack  Perdiccas  in  Bab- 
ylon. Perdiccas  sent  a  large  detachment  of 
troops,  under  the  command  of  a  distinguished 
general,  to  meet  and  encounter  Antipater  and 
Craterus  in  Asia  Minor,  while  he  was  himself 
engaged  in  the  Egyptian  campaign. 

The  result  of  the  contest  was  fatal  to  the 
cause  of  Perdiccas.  Antipater  advanced  tri- 
umphantly through  Asia  Minor,  though  in  one 
of  the  battles  which  took  place  there  Craterus 
was  slain.  But  while  Craterus  himself  fell,  his 
troops  were  victorious.  Thus  the  fortunes  of 
war  in  this  quarter  went  against  Perdiccas. 
The  result  of  his  own  operations  in  Egypt  was 
still  more  disastrous  to  him.  As  he  approached 
the  Egyptian  frontier,  he  found  his  soldiers  very 
averse  to  fighting  against  Ptolemy,  a  general 
whom  they  had  always  regarded  with  extreme 
respect  and  veneration,  and  who,  as  was  well 
known,  had  governed  his  province  in  Egypt 
with  the  greatest  wisdom,  justice,  and  modera- 
tion. Perdiccas  treated  this  disaffection  in  a 
very  haughty  and  domineering  manner.  He 


B.C.  321.]  OLYMPIAS  AND  ANTIPATER.  C5- 

Discontent.  Unpopularity  of  Perdiccas. 

called  his  soldiers  rebels,  and  threatened  to  pun- 
ish them  as  such.  This  aroused  their  indigna- 
tion, and  from  secret  murmur  ings  they  pro> 
ceeded  to  loud  and  angry  complaints.  Perdic- 
cas was  not  their  king,  they  said,  to  lord  it  over 
them  in  that  imperious  manner.  He  was  noth- 
ing but  the  tutor  of  their  kings,  and  they  would 
not  submit  to  any  insolence  from  him.  Perdic- 
cas was  soon  quite  alarmed  to  observe  the  de- 
gree of  dissatisfaction  which  he  had  awakened, 
and  the  violence  of  the  form  which  it  seemed 
to  be  assuming.  He  changed  his  tone,  and  at- 
tempted to  soothe  and  conciliate  the  minds  of 
his  men.  He  at  length  succeeded  so  far  as  to 
restore  some  degree  of  order  and  discipline  to 
the  army,  and  in  that  condition  the  expedition 
entered  Egypt.* 

Perdiccas  crossed  one  of  the  branches  of  the 
Nile,  and  then  led  his  army  forward  to  attack 
Ptolemy  hi  a  strong  fortress,  where  he  had  in- 
trenched himself  with  his  troops.  The  forces 
of  Perdiccas,  though  much  more  numerous  than 
those  of  Ptolemy,  fought  with  very  little  spirit ; 
while  those  of  Ptolemy  exerted  themselves  to 
the  utmost,  under  the  influence  of  the  strong 
attachment  which  they  felt  for  their  command- 

*  For  the  route  taken  by  this  expedition,  see  map. 


36  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  321. 

Transit  of  the  Nile.  Extraordinary  incident. 

er.  Perdiccas  was  beaten  in  the  engagement ; 
and  he  was  so  much  weakened  by  the  defeat, 
that  he  determined  to  retreat  back  across  the 
river.  When  the  army  arrived  at  the  bank  of 
the  stream,  the  troops  began  to  pass  over ;  but 
after  about  half  the  army  had  crossed,  they 
found,  to  their  surprise,  that  the  water,  which 
had  been  growing  gradually  deeper  all  the  time, 
became  impassable.  The  cause  of  this  deepen- 
ing of  the  stream  was  at  first  a  great  mystery, 
since  the  surface  of  the  water,  as  was  evident 
by  marks  along  the  shore,  remained  all  the  time 
at  the  same  level.  It  was  at  length  ascertained 
that  the  cause  of  this  extraordinary  phenome- 
non was,  that  the  sands  in  the  bottom  of  the 
river  were  trampled  up  by  the  feet  of  the  men 
and  horses  in  crossing,  so  that  the  current  of 
the  water  could  wash  them  away ;  and  such 
was  the  immense  number  of  footsteps  made  by 
the  successive  bodies  of  troops,  that,  by  the  time 
the  transportation  had  been  half  accomplished, 
the  water  had  become  too  deep  to  be  forded. 
Perdiccas  was  thus,  as  it  were,  caught  in  a  trap 
—half  his  army  being  on  one  side  of  the  river, 
and  himself,  with  the  remainder,  on  the  other. 
He  was  seriously  alarmed  at  the  dangerous 
situation  in  which  he  thus  found  himself  placed, 


B.C. 321.]  OLYMPIAS  AND  ANTIPATER.  37 

Great  numbers  swept  into  the  river  and  destroyed. 

and  immediately  resorted  to  a  variety  of  expe- 
dients to  remedy  the  unexpected  difficulty.  All 
his  efforts  were,  however,  vain.  Finally,  as  it 
seemed  imperiously  necessary  to  effect  a  junc- 
tion between  the  two  divisions  of  his  army,  he 
ordered  those  who  had  gone  over  to  make  an 
attempt,  at  all  hazards,  to  return.  They  did 
so ;  hut  in  the  attempt,  vast  numbers  of  men 
got  beyond  their  depth,  and  were  swept  down 
by  the  current  and  drowned.  Multitudes  of 
the  bodies,  both  of  the  dead  and  of  the  dying, 
were  seized  and  devoured  by  the  crocodiles 
which  lined  the  shores  of  the  river  below. 
There  were  about  two  thousand  men  thus  lost 
in  the  attempt  to  recross  the  stream. 

In  all  military  operations,  the  criterion  of 
merit,  in  the  opinion  of  an  army,  is  success ; 
and,  of  course,  the  discontent  and  disaffection 
which  prevailed  in  the  camp  of  Perdiccas  broke 
out  anew  in  consequence  of  these  misfortunes. 
There  was  a  general  mutiny.  The  officers 
themselves  took  the  lead  in  it,  and  one  hundred 
of  them  went  over  in  a  body  to  Ptolemy's  side, 
taking  with  them  a  considerable  portion  of  the 
army ;  while  those  that  were  left  remained  with 
Perdiccas,  not  to  defend,  but  to  destroy  him. 
A  troop  of  horse  gathered  around  his  tent,  guard- 


38  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  321. 

The  kings  are  to  be  sent  back  to  Babylon. 

ing  it  on  all  sides,  to  prevent  the  escape  of  their 
victim,  and  then  a  certain  number  of  the  men 
rushed  in  and  killed  him  in  the  midst  of  his 
terror,  and  despair. 

Ptolemy  now  advanced  to  the  camp  of  Per- 
cliccas,  and  was  received  there  with  acclama- 
tion. The  whole  army  submitted  themselves 
at  onee  to  his  command.  An  arrangement  was 
made  for  the  return  of  the  army  to  Babylon, 
with  the  kings  and  their  train.  Pithon,  one  of 
the  generals  of  Perdiccas,  took  the  command  of 
the  army,  and  the  charge  of  the  royal  family, 
on  the  return.  In  the  mean  time,  Antipater  had 
passed  into  Asia,  victorious  over  the  forces  that 
Perdiccas  had  sent  against  him.  A  new  con- 
gress of  generals  was  held,  and  a  new  distribu- 
tion of  power  was  made.  By  the  new  arrange- 
ment, Antipater  was  to  retain  his  command  in 
Macedon  and  Greece,  and  to  have  the  custody 
of  the  kings.  Accordingly,  when  every  thing 
had  thus  been  settled,  Antipater  set  out  on  his 
return  to  Macedon,  with  Philip  and  Eurydice, 
and  also  Roxana  and  the  infant  Alexander,  in 
his  train.  The  venerable  soldier — for  he  was 
now  about  eighty  years  of  age — was  received  in 
Macedon,  on  his  return,  with  universal  honor 
and  applause.  There  were  several  consider  a- 


B.C. 321.]  OLYMPIAS  AND  ANTIPATER.  39 

Antipater  returns  to  Macedon  full  of  honors. 

tions,  in  fact,  which  conspired  to  exalt  Antipa- 
ter in  the  estimation  of  his  countrymen  on  this 
occasion.  He  had  performed  a  great  military 
exploit  in  conducting  the  expedition  into  Asia, 
from  which  he  was  now  triumphantly  return- 
ing. He  was  bringing  back  to  Macedon,  too, 
the  royal  family  of  Alexander,  the  representa- 
tives of  the  ancient  Macedonian  line ;  and  by 
being  made  the  custodian  of  these  princes,  and 
regent  of  the  empire  in  their  name,  he  had  been 
raised  to  the  most  exalted  position  which  the 
whole  world  at  that  period  could  afford.  The 
Macedonians  received  him,  accordingly,  on  his 
return,  with  loud  and  universal  acclamations. 


40  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  320. 

Antipater's  difficulties.  Trouble  with  Olympias  and  Eurydica 


CHAPTER    II. 
CASSANDER. 

A  L THOUGH  Antipater,  on  his  return  to 
-£^-  Macedon,  came  back  loaded  with  honors, 
and  in  the  full  and  triumphant  possession  of 
power,  his  situation  was  still  not  without  its 
difficulties.  He  had  for  enemies,  in  Macedon, 
two  of  the  most  violent  and  unmanageable 
women  that  ever  lived — Olympias  and  Euryd- 
ice — who  quarreled  with  him  incessantly,  and 
who  hated  each  other  even  more  than  they 
hated  him. 

Olympias  was  at  this  time  hi  Epirus.  She 
remained  there,  because  she  did  not  choose  to 
put  herself  under  Antipater's  power  by  residing 
in  Macedon.  She  succeeded,  however,  by  her 
maneuvers  and  intrigues,  in  giving  Antipater 
a  great  deal  of  trouble.  Her  ancient  animos- 
ity against  him  had  been  very  much  increased 
and  aggravated  by  the  failure  of  her  plan  for 
marrying  her  daughter  Cleopatra  to  Perdiccas, 
through  the  advances  which  Antipater  made 
in  behalf  of  his  daughter  Nicaea  ;  and  though 


B.C.320.]  CASSANDER.  41 

Character  of  Eurydice.  Her  dictatorial  and  overbearing  demeanor. 

Nicsea  and  Perdiccas  were  now  dead,  yet  the 
transaction  was  an  offense  which  such  a  wom- 
an as  Olympias  never  could  forgive. 

Eurydice  was  a  still  greater  source  of  an- 
noyance and  embarrassment  to  Antipater  than 
Olympias  herself.  She  was  a  woman  of  very 
masculine  turn  of  mind,  and  she  had  been 
brought  up  by  her  mother,  Cynane,  to  martial 
exercises,  such  as  those  to  which  young  men 
in  those  days  were  customarily  trained.  She 
could  shoot  arrows,  and  throw  the  javelin,  and 
ride  on  horseback  at  the  head  of  a  troop  of 
armed  men.  As  soon  as  she  was  married  to 
Philip  she  began  at  once  to  assume  an  air  of 
authority,  thinking,  apparently,  that  she  herself, 
being  the  wife  of  the  king,  was  entitled  to  a 
much  greater  share  of  the  regal  authority  than 
the  generals,  who,  as  she  considered  them,  were 
merely  his  tutors  and  guardians,  or,  at  most,  only 
military  agents,  appointed  to  execute  his  will. 
During  the  memorable  expedition  into  Egypt, 
Perdiccas  had  found  it  very  difficult  to  exercise 
any  control  over  her ;  and  after  the  death  of 
Perdiccas,  she  assumed  a  more  lofty  and  im- 
perious tone  than  ever.  She  quarreled  inces- 
santly with  Pithon,  the  commander  of  the  army, 
on  the  return  from  Egypt ;  and  she  made  the 


42  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  320. 

The  convention  of  Triparadeisus.  Violence  of  Eurydice. 

most  resolute  and  determined  opposition  to  the 
appointment  of  Antipater  as  the  custodian  of 
the  persons  of  the  kings. 

The  place  where  the  consultation  was  held,  at 
which  this  appointment  was  made,  was  Tripar- 
adeisus,* in  Syria.  This  was  the  place  where 
the  expedition  of  Antipater,  coming  from  Asia 
Minor,  met  the  army  of  Egypt  on  its  return. 
As  soon  as  the  junction  of  the  two  armies  was 
effected,  and  the  grand  council  was  convened, 
Eurydice  made  the  most  violent  opposition  to 
the  proceedings.  Antipater  reproved  her  for 
evincing  such  turbulence  and  insubordination 
of  spirit.  This  made  her  more  angry  than  ever ; 
and  when  at  length  Antipater  was  appointed  to 
the  regency,  she  went  out  and  made  a  formal 
harangue  to  the  army,  in  which  she  denounced 
Antipater  in  the  severest  terms,  and  loaded  him 
with  criminations  and  reproaches,  and  endeav- 
ored to  incite  the  soldiers  to  a  revolt.  Antipa- 
ter endeavored  to  defend  himself  against  these 
accusations  by  a  calm  reply ;  but  the  influence 
which  Eurydice's  tempestuous  eloquence  exert- 
ed on  the  minds  of  the  soldiery  was  too  much 
for  him.  A  very  serious  riot  ensued,  which 
threatened  to  lead  to  the  most  disastrous  results. 
*  See  map. 


B.C.320.]  CASSANDER.  43 

Antipater's  life  in  danger.  Eurydice  forced  to  submit. 

For  a  time  Antipater's  life  was  in  most  immi- 
nent danger,  and  he  was  saved  only  by  the  in- 
terposition of  some  of  the  other  generals,  who 
hazarded  their  own  lives  to  rescue  him  from  the 
enraged  soldiery. 

The  excitement  of  this  scene  gradually  sub- 
sided, and,  as  the  generals  persisted  in  the  ar- 
rangement which  they  had  made,  Eurydice 
found  herself  forced  to  submit  to  it.  She  had, 
in  fact,  no  real  power  in  her  hands  except  that 
of  making  temporary  mischief  and  disturbance ; 
and,  as  is  usually  the  case  with  characters  like 
hers,  when  she  found  that  those  around  her 
could  not  be  driven  from  their  ground  by  her 
fractiousness  and  obstinacy,  she  submitted  her- 
self to  the  necessity  of  the  case,  though  in  a 
moody  and  sullen  manner.  Such  were  the  re- 
lations which  Antipater  and  Eurydice  bore  to 
each  other  on  the  return  of  Antipater  to  Mace- 
don. 

The  troubles,  however,  in  his  government, 
which  Antipater  might  have  reasonably  expect- 
ed to  arise  from  his  connection  with  Olympias 
and  Eurydice,  were  destined  to  a  very  short 
continuance,  so  far  as  he  personally  was  con- 
cerned ;  for,  not  long  after  his  return  to  Mace- 
don,  he  fell  sick  of  a  dangerous  disease,  under 


44  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  320. 

Antipater  is  dangerously  sick.  The  arrangements  made  by  him. 

which  it  was  soon  evident  that  the  vital  princi- 
ple, at  the  advanced  age  to  which  he  had  attain- 
ed, must  soon  succumb.  In  fact,  Antipater  him- 
self soon  gave  up  all  hopes  of  recovery,  and  be- 
gan at  once  to  make  arrangements  for  the  final 
surrender  of  his  power. 

It  will  be  recollected  that  when  Craterus 
came  from  Asia  to  Macedon,  about  the  time  of 
Alexander's  death,  he  brought  with  him  a  gen- 
eral named  Polysperchon,  who,  though  nom- 
inally second  in  command,  really  had  charge  of 
the  army  on  the  march,  Craterus  himself  being 
at  the  time  an  invalid.  When,  some  time  after- 
ward, Antipater  and  Craterus  set  out  on  their 
expedition  to  Asia,  in  the  war  against  Perdiccas, 
Polysperchon  was  left  in  charge  of  the  kingdom 
of  Macedon,  to  govern  it  as  regent  until  An- 
tipater should  return.  Antipater  had  a  son 
named  Cassander,  who  was  a  general  in  his 
army.  Cassander  naturally  expected  that,  dur- 
ing the  absence  of  his  father,  the  kingdom  would 
be  committed  to  his  charge.  For  some  reason 
or  other,  however,  Antipater  had  preferred  Poly- 
sperchon, and  had  intrusted  the  government  to 
him.  Polysperchon  had,  of  course,  become  ac- 
quainted with  the  duties  of  government,  and 
had  acquired  an  extensive  knowledge  of  Mace- 


B.C. 319.]  CASSANDER.  45 

Xntipater's  arrangements  for  the  succession.  Polysperchon. 

donian  affairs.  He  had  governed  well,  too,  and 
the  people  were  accustomed  to  his  sway.  An- 
tipater  concluded,  therefore,  that  it  would  be 
better  to  continue  Polysperchon  in  power  -alter 
his  death,  rather  than  to  displace  Polysperchon 
for  the  sake  of  advancing  his  son  Cassander. 
He  therefore  made  provision  for  giving  to  Cas- 
sander a  very  high  command  in  the  army,  but 
he  gave  Polysperchon  the  kingdom.  This  act, 
though  Cassander  himself  never  forgave  it, 
raised  Antipater  to  a  higher  place  than  ever  in 
the  estimation  of  mankind.  They  said  that  he 
did  what  no  monarch  ever  did  before ;  in  deter- 
mining the  great  question  of  the  succession,  he 
made  the  aggrandizement  of  his  own  family 
give  place  to  the  welfare  of  the  realm. 

Antipater  on  his  death-bed,  among  other  coun- 
cils which  he  gave  to  Polysperchon,  warned  him 
very  earnestly  against  the  danger  of  yielding  to 
any  woman  whatever  a  share  in  the  control  of 
public  affairs.  V/oman,  he  said,  was,  from  her 
very  nature,  the  creature  of  impulse,  and  was 
swayed  in  all  her  conduct  by  the  emotions  and 
passions  of  her  heart.  She  possessed  none  of 
the  calm,  considerate,  and  self-controlling  prin- 
ciples of  wisdom  and  prudence,  so  essential  for 
the  proper  administration  of  the  affairs  of  states 


46  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  319. 

Polysperchon  invites  Olympias  to  return  to  Macedon. 

and  nations.  These  cautions,  as  Antipater  ut- 
tered them,  were  expressed  in  general  terms, 
but  they  were  understood  to  refer  to  Olympias 
and  Eurydice,  whom  it  had  always  been  very 
difficult  to  control,  and  who,  of  course,  when 
Antipater  should  be  removed  from  the  scene, 
might  be  expected  to  come  forward  with  a 
spirit  more  obtrusive  and  unmanageable  than 
ever. 

These  counsels,  however,  of  the  dying  king 
seemed  to  have  had  very  little  effect  upon  Po- 
lysperchon ;  for  one  of  the  first  measures  of  his 
government,  after  Antipater  was  dead,  was  to 
send  to  Epirus  to  invite  Olympias  to  return  to 
Macedon.  This  measure  was  decided  upon  in 
a  grand  council  which  Polysperchon  convened  to 
deliberate  on  the  state  of  public  affairs  as  soon  as 
the  government  came  into  his  hands.  Polysper- 
chon thought  that  he  should  greatly  strength- 
en his  administration  by  enlisting  Olympias  on 
his  side.  She  was  held  in  great  veneration  by 
all  the  people  of  Macedon ;  not  on  account  of 
any  personal  qualities  which  she  possessed  to 
entitle  her  to  such  regard,  but  because  she  was 
the  mother  of  Alexander.  Polysperchon,  there- 
fore, considered  it  very  important  to  secure  her 
influence,  and  the  prestige  of  her  name  in  his 


B.C. 319.]  CASSANDER.  47 

Cassander  plans  a  rebellion.  Hia  pretended  hunting  party. 

favor.  At  the  same  time,  while  he  thus  sought 
to  propitiate  Olympias,  he  neglected  Cassander 
and  all  the  other  members  of  Antipater's  fam- 
ily. He  considered  them,  doubtless,  as  rivals 
and  antagonists,  whom  he  was  to  keep  down  by 
every  means  in  his  power. 

Cassander,  who  was  a  man  of  a  very  bold,  de- 
termined, and  ambitious  spirit,  remained  quietly 
in  Polysperchon's  court  for  a  little  time,  watch- 
ing attentively  all  that  was  done,  and  revolving 
silently  in  his  mind  the  question  what  course 
he  himself  should  pursue.  At  length  he  formed 
a  small  party  of  his  friends  to  go  away  on  a 
hunting  excursion.  When  he  reached  a  safe 
distance  from  the  court  of  Polysperchon,  he 
called  his  friends  around  him,  and  informed 
them  that  he  had  resolved  not  to  submit  to  the 
usurpation  of  Polysperchon,  who,  in  assuming 
the  throne  of  Macedon,  had  seized  what  right- 
fully belonged,  he  said,  to  him,  Cassander,  as  his 
father's  son  and  heir.  He  invited  his  friends  to 
join  him  in  the  enterprise  of  deposing  Polysper- 
chon, and  assuming  the  crown. 

He  urged  this  undertaking  upon  them  with 
very  specious  arguments.  It  was  the  only 
course  of  safety  for  them,  as  well  as  for  him, 
since  they— that  is,  the  friends  to  whom  Cas- 


48  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  318. 

Cassander  explains  his  designs  to  his  friends.     They  agree  to  join  him. 

sander  was  making  these  proposals — had  all 
been  friends  of  Antipater ;  and  Olympias,  whom 
Polysperchon  was  about  to  take  into  his  coun- 
sels, hated  the  very  name  of  Antipater,  and 
would  evince,  undoubtedly,  the  most  unrelent- 
ing hostility  to  all  whom  she  should  consider  as 
having  been  his  friends.  He  was  confident,  he 
said,  that  the  Asiatic  princes  and  generals  would 
espouse  his  cause.  They  had  been  warmly  at- 
tached to  Antipater,  and  would  not  willingly  see 
his  son  and  rightful  successor  deprived  of  his 
legitimate  rights.  Besides,  Philip  and  Euryd- 
ice  would  join  him.  They  had  every  thing  to 
fear  from  Olympias,  and  would,  of  course,  op- 
pose the  power  of  Polysperchon,  now  that  he 
had  determined  to  ally  himself  to  her. 

The  friends  of  Cassander  very  readily  agreed 
to  his  proposal,  and  the  result  proved  the  truth 
of  his  predictions.  The  Asiatic  princes  furnish- 
ed Cassander  with  very  efficient  aid  in  his  at- 
tempt to  depose  his  rival.  Olympias  adhered  to 
Polysperchon,  while  Eurydice  favored  Cassan- 
der's  cause.  A  terrible  conflict  ensued.  It  was 
waged  for  some  time  hi  Greece,  and  in  other 
countries  more  or  less  remote  from  Macedon, 
the  advantage  in  the  combats  being  sometimes 
on  one  side  and  sometimes  on  the  other.  It  is 


B.C.318.]  CASSANDER.  49 

Olympias  is  afraid  to  return  to  Macedou. 

not  necessary  to  detail  here  the  events  which 
occurred  in  the  contest  so  long  as  the  theatre 
of  war  was  beyond  the  frontiers  of  Macedon,  for 
the  parties  with  whom  we  are  now  particularly 
dealing  were  not  directly  affected  by  the  conflict 
until  it  came  nearer  home. 

It  ought  here  to  be  stated  that  Olympias  did 
not  at  first  accept  the  invitation  to  return  to 
Macedon  which  Polysperchon  sent  to  her.  She 
hesitated.  She  consulted  with  her  friends,  and 
they  were  not  decided  in  respect  to  the  course 
which  it  would  be  best  for  her  to  pursue.  She 
had  made  a  great  many  enemies  in  Macedon 
during  her  former  residence  there,  and  she  knew 
well  that  she  would  have  a  great  deal  to  fear 
from  their  hostility  in  case  she  should  return, 
and  thus  put  herself  again,  as  it  were,  into  their 
power.  Then,  besides,  it  was  quite  uncertain 
what  course  affairs  in  Macedon  would  finally 
take.  Antipater  had  bequeathed  the  kingdom 
to  Polysperchon,  it  was  true  ;  but  there  might 
be  great  doubt  whether  the  people  would  acqui- 
esce in  this  decision,  and  allow  the  supreme  pow- 
er to  remain  quietly  in  Polysperchon's  hands. 
She  concluded,  therefore,  to  remain  a  short  time 
where  she  was,  till  she  could  see  how  the  case 
would  finally  turn.  She  accordingly  continued 
22—4 


50  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  318. 

War  between  Cassander  and  Polysperchon.  Curious  incident. 

to  reside  in  Epirus,  keeping  up,  however,  a  con- 
tinual correspondence  with  Polysperchon  in  re- 
spect to  the  measures  of  his  government,  and 
watching  the  progress  of  the  war  hetween  him 
and  Cassander  in  Greece,  when  that  war  broke 
out,  with  the  utmost  solicitude  and  anxiety. 

Cassander  proved  to  he  too  strong  for  Poly- 
sperchon in  Greece.  He  had  obtained  large 
bodies  of  troops  from  his  Asiatic  allies,  and  he 
maneuvered  and  managed  these  forces  with  so 
much  bravery  and  skill,  that  Polysperchon  could 
not  dislodge  him  from  the  country.  A  some- 
what curious  incident  occurred  on  one  occa- 
sion during  the  campaign,  which  illustrates  the 
modes  of  warfare  practiced  in  those  days.  It 
seems  that  one  of  the  cities  of  Peloponnesus, 
named  Megalopolis,  was  on  the  side  of  Cassan- 
der, and  when  Polysperchon  sent  them  a  sum- 
mons to  surrender  to  him  and  acknowledge  his 
authority,  they  withdrew  all  their  property  and 
the  whole  of  their  population  within  the  walls, 
and  bid  him  defiance.  Polysperchon  then  ad- 
vanced and  laid  siege  to  the  city. 

After  fully  investing  the  city  and  commencing 
operations  on  various  sides,  to  occupy  the  atten- 
tion of  the  garrison,  he  employed  a  corps  of  sap- 
pers and  miners  in  secretly  undermining  a  por- 


B.C.  318.]  CASSANDER.  51 

Polyspercaon's  mine.  Success  of  it.  The  conflict. 

tion  of  the  wall.  The  mode  of  procedure,  in 
operations  like  this,  was  to  dig  a  subterranean 
passage  leading  to  the  foundations  of  the  wall, 
and. then,  as  fast  as  these  foundations  were  re- 
moved, to  substitute  props  to  support  the  super- 
incumbent mass  until  all  was  ready  for  the 
springing  of  the  mine.  When  the  excavations 
were  completed,  the  props  were  suddenly  pulled 
away,  and  the  wall  would  cave  in,  to  the  great 
astonishment  of  the  besieged,  who,  if  the  opera- 
tion had  been  skillfully  performed,  knew  nothing 
of  the  danger  until  the  final  consummation  of 
it  opened  suddenly  before  their  eyes  a  great 
breach  in  their  defenses.  Polysperchon's  mine 
was  so  successful,  that  three  towers  fell  into 
it,  with  all  the  wall  connecting  them.  These 
towers  came  down  with  a  terrific  crash,  the  ma- 
terials of  which  they  had  been  composed  lying, 
after  the  fall,  half  buried  in  the  ground,  a  mass 
of  ruins. 

The  garrison  of  the  city  immediately  repaired 
in  great  numbers  to  the  spot,  to  prevent  the  in- 
gress of  the  enemy  ;  while,  on  the  other  hand, 
a  strong  detachment  of  troops  rushed  forward 
from  the  camp  of  Polysperchon  to  force  their 
way  through  the  breach  into  the  city.  A  very 
desperate  conflict  ensued,  and  while  the  men  of 


52  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  318. 

Consternation  produced  by  the  elephants. 

the  city  were  thus  engaged  in  keeping  back  the 
invaders,  the  women  and  children  were  employ- 
ed in  throwing  up  a  line  of  intrenchrnents  fur- 
ther within,  to  cover  the  opening  which  'had 
been  made  in  the  wall.  The  people  of  the  city 
gained  the  victory  in  the  combat.  The  storm- 
ing party  were  driven  back,  and  the  besieged 
were  beginning  to  congratulate  themselves  on 
their  escape  from  the  danger  which  had  threat- 
ened them,  when  they  were  suddenly  terrified 
beyond  measure  by  the  tidings  that  the  be- 
siegers were  arranging  a  train  of  elephants  to 
bring  in  through  the  breach.  Elephants  were 
often  used  for  war  in  those  days  in  Asiatic  coun- 
tries, but  they  had  seldom  appeared  in  Greece. 
Polysperchon,  however,  had  a  number  of  them 
in  the  train  of  his  army,  and  the  soldiers  of 
Megalopolis  were  overwhelmed  with  consterna- 
tion at  the  prospect  of  being  trampled  under 
foot  by  these  huge  beasts,  wholly  ignorant  as 
they  were  of  the  means  of  contending  against 
them. 

It  happened,  however,  that  there  was  in  the 
city  of  Megalopolis  at  this  time  a  soldier  named 
Damides,  who  had  served  in  former  years  under 
Alexander  the  Great,  in  Asia.  He  went  to  the 
officers  who  had  command  within  the  city  and 


B.C.  318.]  CASSANDER.  53 

Plan  of  defense  against  them.  The  iron  spikes. 

offered  his  aid.  "  Fear  nothing,"  said  he,  "  but 
go  on  with  your  preparations  of  defense,  and 
leave  the  elephants  to  me.  I  will  answer  for 
them,  if  you  will  do  as  I  say."  The  officers 
agreed  to  follow  his  instructions.  He  immedi- 
ately caused  a  great  number  of  sharp  iron  spikes 
to  be  made.  These  spikes  he  set  firmly  in  the 
ends  of  short  stakes  of  wood,  and  then  planted 
the  stakes  in  the  ground  all  about  the  intrench- 
ments  and  in  the  breach,  in  such  a  manner  that 
the  spikes  themselves,  points  upward,  protruded 
from  the  ground.  The  spikes  were  then  con- 
cealed from  view  by  covering  the  ground  with 
straw  and  other  similar  rubbish. 

The  consequence  of  this  arrangement  was, 
that  when  the  elephants  advanced  to  enter  the 
breach,  they  trod  upon  these  spikes,  and  the 
whole  column  of  them  was  soon  disabled  and 
thrown  into  confusion.  Some  of  the  elephants 
were  wounded  so  severely  that  they  fell  where 
they  stood,  and  were  unable  to  rise.  Others, 
maddened  with  the  pain  which  they  endured, 
turned  back  and  trampled  their  own  keepers 
under  foot  in  their  attempts  to  escape  from  the 
scene.  The  breach,  in  short,  soon  became  so 
choked  up  with  the  bodies  of  beasts  and  men, 
that  the  assailants  were  compelled  to  give  up 


54  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  318. 

Olympias  finally  concludes  to  go  to  Macedon. 

the  contest  and  withdraw.  A  short  time  after- 
ward, Polysperchon  raised  the  siege  and  aban- 
doned the  city  altogether. 

In  fact,  the  party  of  Cassander  was  in  the  end 
triumphant  in  Greece,  and  Polysperchon  deter- 
mined to  return  to  Macedon. 

In  the  mean  time,  Olympias  had  determined 
to  come  to  Macedon,  and  aid  Polysperchon  in 
his  contest  with  Cassander.  She  accordingly 
left  Epirus,  and  with  a  small  body  of  troops, 
with  which  her  brother  Alexander,  who  was 
then  King  of  Epirus,  furnished  her,  went  on 
and  joined  Polysperchon  on  his  return.  Euryd- 
ice  was  alarmed  at  this ;  for,  since  she  consid- 
ered Olympias  as  her  great  political  rival  and 
enemy,  she  knew  very  well  that  there  could  be 
no  safety  for  her  or  her  husband  if  Olympias 
should  obtain  the  ascendency  in  the  court  of 
Polysperchon.  She  accordingly  began  to  call 
upon  those  around  her,  in  the  city  where  she 
was  then  residing,  to  arm  themselves  for  her 
defense.  They  did  so,  and  a  considerable  force 
was  thus  collected.  Eurydice  placed  herself  at 
the  head  of  it.  She  sent  messengers  off  to  Cas- 
sander, urging  him  to  come  immediately  and 
join  her.  She  also  sent  an  embassage  to  Poly- 
sperchon, commanding  him,  in  the  name  of 


E.3.317.]  CASSANDER.  55 

Eurydice's  t™~>s  desert  her.  Olympias  in  her  chariot. 

Philip  the  king,  to  deliver  up  his  army  to  Cas- 
sander.  Of  course  this  was  only  a  form,  as  she 
could  not  have  expected  that  such  a  command 
would  have  been  obeyed  ;  and,  accordingly,  af- 
ter having  sent  off  these  orders,  she  placed  her- 
self at  the  head  of  the  troops  that  she  had  raised, 
and  marched  out  to  meet  Polysperchon  on  his 
return,  intending,  if  he  would  not  submit,  to 
give  him  battle. 

Her  designs,  however,  were  all  frustrated  in 
the  end  in  a  very  unexpected  manner.  For 
when  the  two  armies  approached  each  other, 
the  soldiers  who  were  on  Eurydice's  side,  in- 
stead of  fighting  in  her  causo  as  she  expected, 
failed  her  entirely  at  the  time  of  trial.  For 
when  they  saw  Olympias,  whom  they  had  long 
been  accustomed  almost  to  adore  as  the  wife  of 
old  King  Philip,  and  the  mother  of  Alexander, 
and  who  was  now  advancing  to  meet  them  on 
her  return  to  Macedon,  splendidly  attended,  and 
riding  in  her  chariot,  at  the  head  of  Polysper- 
chon's  army,  with  the  air  and  majesty  of  a 
queen,  they  were  so  overpowered  with  the  ex- 
citement of  the  spectacle,  that  they  aoandoned 
Eurydice  in  a  body,  and  went  over,  by  common 
consent,  to  Polysperchon's  side. 

Of  course  Eurydice  herself  and  her  husband 


56  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  317. 

Eurydice  is  captured.  She  is  sent  to  a  dungeon. 

Philip,  who  was  with  her  at  this  time,  fell  into 
Polysperchon's  hands  as  prisoners.  Olympias 
was  almost  beside  herself  with  exultation  and 
joy  at  having  her  hated  rival  thus  put  into  her 
power.  She  imprisoned  Eurydice  and  her  hus- 
band in  a  dungeon,  so  small  that  there  was 
scarcely  room  for  them  to  turn  themselves  in 
it ;  and  while  they  were  thus  confined,  the  only 
attention  which  the  wretched  prisoners  received 
was  to  be  fed,  from  time  to  time,  with  coarse 
provisions,  thrust  in  to  them  through  a  hole  in 
the  wall.  Having  thus  made  Eurydice  secure, 
Olympias  proceeded  to  wreak  her  vengeance 
on  all  the  members  of  the  family  of  Antipater 
whom  she  could  get  within  her  power.  Cas- 
sander,  it  is  true,  was  beyond  her  reach  for  the 
present ;  he  was  gradually  advancing  through 
Thessaly  into  Macedonia,  at  the  head  of  a  pow- 
erful and  victorious  army.  There  was  another 
son  of  Antipater,  however,  named  Nicanor,  who 
was  then  in  Macedon.  Him  she  seized  and  put 
to  death,  together  with  about  a  hundred  of  his 
relatives  and  friends.  In  fact,  so  violent  and 
insane  was  her  rage  against  the  house  of  Anti- 
pater, that  she  opened  a  tomb  where  the  body 
of  another  of  his  sons  had  been  interred,  and 
caused  the  remains  to  be  brought  out  and 


B.C.  317.] 

Death  of  Philip. 


C  ASSANDER. 

Eurydice's  despair. 


57 


The  cell 


thrown  into  the  street.  The  people  around  her 
began  to  remonstrate  against  such  atrocities; 
but  these  remonstrances,  instead  of  moderating 
her  rage,  only  excited  it  still  more.  She  sent 
to  the  dungeon  where  her  prisoners,  Philip  and 
Eurydice,  were  confined,  and  caused  Philip  to 
be  stabbed  to  death  with  daggers ;  and  then, 
when  this  horrid  scene  was  scarcely  over,  an 
executioner  came  in  to  Eurydice  with  a  dagger, 
a  rope,  and  a  cup  of  poison,  saying  that  Olym- 


EURYDICE  IN  PRISON. 


pias  sent  them  to  her,  that  she  might  choose 
herself  by  what  she  would  die.     Eurydice,  on 


58  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  317. 

Eurydice's  dreadful  end.  Cassander's  movements. 

receiving  this  message,  replied,  saying,  "  I  pray 
Heaven  that  Olympias  herself  may  one  day  have 
the  like  alternative  presented  to  her."  She  then 
proceeded  to  tear  the  linen  dress  which  she  wore 
into  bandages,  and  to  bind  up  with  these  band- 
ages the  wounds  in  the  dead  body  of  her  hus- 
band. This  dreadful  though  useless  duty  being 
performed,  she  then,  rejecting  all  three  of  the 
means  of  self-destruction  which  Olympias  had 
offered  her,  strangled  herself  by  tying  tight  about 
her  neck  a  band  which  she  obtained  from  her 
own  attire. 

Of  course,  the  tidings  of  these  proceedings 
were  not  long  in  reaching  Cassander.  He  was 
at  this  time  in  Greece,  advancing,  however, 
slowly  to  the  northward,  toward  Macedon.  In 
coming  from  Greece  into  Thessaly,  his  route 
lay  through  the  celebrated  Pass  of  Thermopylae. 
He  found  this  pass  guarded  by  a  large  body  of 
troops,  which  had  been  posted  there  to  oppose 
his  passage.  He  immediately  got  together  all 
the  ships,  boats,  galleys,  and  vessels  of  every 
kind  which  he  could  procure,  and,  embarking 
his  army  on  board  of  them,  he  sailed  past  the 
defile,  and  landed  in  Thessaly.  Thence  he 
marched  into  Macedon. 

While  Cassander  had  thus  been  slowly  ap- 


B.C.317.]  CASSANDER.  59 

Olympias  acts  in  the  most  energetic  manner. 

preaching,  Polysperchon  and  Olympias  had  been 
very  vigorously  employed  in  making  prepara- 
tions to  receive  him.  Olympias,  with  Ptoxana 
and  the  young  Alexander,  who  was  now  about 
five-  years  old,  in  her  train,  traveled  to  and  fro 
among  the  cities  of  Macedonia,  summoning  the 
people  to  arms,  enlisting  all  who  would  enter 
her  service,  and  collecting  money  and  military 
stores.  She  also  sent  to  Epirus,  to  ^Eacides  the 
king,  the  father  of  Pyrrhus,  imploring  him  to 
come  to  her  aid  with  all  the  force  he  could  bring. 
Polysperchon,  too,  though  separate  from  Olym- 
pias, made  every  effort  to  strengthen  himself 
against  his  coming  enemy.  Things  were  in  this 
state  when  Cassander  entered  Macedon. 

Cassander  immediately  divided  his  troops  into 
two  distinct  bodies,  and  sending  one,  under  the 
command  of  an  able  general,  to  attack  Polysper- 
chon, he  himself  went  in  pursuit  of  Olympias. 
Olympias  retreated  before  him,  until  at  length 
she  reached  the  city  of  Pydna,  a  city  situated 
in  the  southeastern  part  of  Macedon,  on  the  shore 
of  the  JEgenn  Sea.*  She  knew  that  the  force 
under  her  command  was  not  sufficient  to  enable 
her  to  offer  her  enemy  battle,  and  she  according- 
ly went  into  the  city,  and  fortified  herself  there. 

*  See  map. 


60  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  317. 

The  siege  of  Pydna.  Movement  of  Cassander. 

Cassander  advanced  immediately  to  the  place, 
and,  finding  the  city  too  strongly  fortified  to  be 
carried  by  assault,  he  surrounded  it  with  his  ar- 
my, and  invested  it  closely  both  by  land  and  sea. 
The  city  was  not  well  provided  for  a  siege, 
and  the  people  within  very  soon  began  to  suffer 
for  want  of  provisions.  Olympias,  however, 
urged  them  to  hold  out,  representing  to  them 
that  she  had  sent  to  Epirus  for  assistance,  and 
that  JE  acides,  the  king,  was  already  on  his  way, 
with  a  large  force,  to  succor  her.  This  was  very 
true ;  but,  unfortunately  for  Olympias,  Cassan- 
der was  aware  of  this  fact  as  well  as  she,  and, 
instead  of  waiting  for  the  troops  of  JE  acides  to 
come  and  attack  him,  he  had  sent  a  large  arm- 
ed force  to  the  confines  between  Epirus  and 
Macedon,  to  intercept  these  expected  allies  in 
the  passes  of  the  mountains.  This  movement 
was  successful.  The  army  of  JE  acides  found, 
when  they  reached  the  frontier,  that  the  passages 
leading  into  Macedonia  were  all  blocked  up  by 
the  troops  of  the  enemy.  They  made  some  in- 
effectual attempts  to  break  through ;  and  then 
the  leading  officers  of  the  army,  who  had  never 
been  really  willing  to  embark  in  the  war",  re- 
volted against  JE  acides,  and  returned  home. 
And  as,  in  the  case  of  deeds  of  violence  and  rev- 


B.C.317.]  CASSANDER.  61 

The  carrying  away  of  Pyrrhus. 

olution,  it  is  always  safest  to  go  through  and 
finish  the  work  when  it  is  once  begun,  they  de- 
posed ^acides  entirely,  and  raised  the  other 
branch  of  the  royal  family  to  the  throne  in  his 
stead.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that  the  infant 
Pyrrhus  was  seized  and  carried  away  by  his. 
friends,  to  save  his  life,  as  mentioned  in  the 
opening  paragraphs  of  this  history.  The  par- 
ticulars of  this  revolution,  and  of  the  flight  of 
Pyrrhus,  will  be  given  more  fully  in  the  next 
chapter.  It  is  sufficient  here  to  say,  that  the 
attempt  of  ^Eacides  to  come  to  the  rescue  of 
Olympias  in  her  peril  wholly  failed,  and  there 
was  nothing  now  left  but  the  wall  of  the  city  to 
defend  her  from  her  terrible  foe. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  distress  in  the  city  for 
want  of  food  had  become  horrible.  Olympias 
herself,  with  Roxana  and  the  boy,  and  the  other 
ladies  of  the  court,  li ved  on  the  flesh  of  horses. 
The  soldiers  devoured  the  bodies  of  their  com- 
rades as  they  were  slain  upon  the  wall.  They 
fed  the  elephants,  it  was  said,  on  saw-dust.  The 
soldiers  and  the  people  of  the  city,  who  found 
this  state  of  things  intolerable,  deserted  continu- 
ally to  Cassander,  letting  themselves  down  by 
stealth  in  the  night  from  the  wall.  Still  Olym- 
pias would  not  surrender ;  there  was  one  more 


62  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  317. 

Olympias  resorts  to  a  stratagem. 

hope  remaining  for  her.  She  contrived  to  dis- 
patch a  messenger  to  Polysperchon  with  a  letter, 
asking  him  to  send  a  galley  round  into  the  har- 
bor at  a  certain  time  in  the  night,  in  order  that 
she  might  get  on  hoard  of  it,  and  thus  escape. 
Cassander  intercepted  this  messenger.  After 
reading  the  letter,  he  returned  it  to  the  messen- 
ger again,  and  directed  him  to  go  on  and  deliver 
it.  The  messenger  did  so,  and  Polysperchon 
sent  the  galley.  Cassander,  of  course,  watched 
for  it,  and  seized  it  himself  wrhen  it  came.  The 
last  hope  of  the  unhappy  Olympias  was  thus  ex- 
tinguished, and  she  opened  the  gates  and  gave 
herself  up  to  Cassander.  The  whole  country  im- 
mediately afterward  fell  into  Cassander's  hands. 
The  friends  of  the  family  of  Antipater  were 
now  clamorous  in  their  demands  that  Olympias 
should  he  brought  to  punishment  for  having  so 
atrociously  murdered  the  sons  and  relatives  of 
Antipater  while  she  was  in  power.  Olympias 
professed  herself  willing  to  be  tried,  and  appeal- 
ed to  the  Macedonian  senate  to  be  her  judges. 
She  relied  on  the  ascendency  which  she  had  so 
long  exercised  over  the  minds  of  the  Macedoni- 
ans, and  did  not  believe  that  they  would  con- 
demn her.  Cassander  himself  feared  that  they 
would  not;  and  although  he  was  unwilling  to 
murder  her  whilA  &hp.  was  a  defenseless  prison- 


B.C.  316.]         CASSANDER.  63 

Olympias  in  prison.  Her  end 

er  in  his  hands,  he  determined  that  she  should 
die.  He  recommended  to  her  secretly  not  to 
take  the  hazard  of  a  trial,  but  to  make  her  es- 
cape and  go  to  Athens,  and  offered  to  give  her 
an  opportunity  to  do  so.  He  intended,  it  was 
said,  if  she  made  the  attempt,  to  intercept  and 
slay  her  on  the  way  as  a  fugitive  from  justice. 
She  refused  to  accede  to  this  proposal,  suspect- 
ing, perhaps,  Cassander's  treachery  in  making 
it.  Cassander  then  sent  a  band  of  two  hundred 
soldiers  to  put  her  to  death. 

These  soldiers,  when  they  came  into  the  pris- 
on, were  so  impressed  by  the  presence  of  the 
queen,  to  whom,  in  former  years,  they  had  been 
accustomed  to  look  up  with  so  much  awe,  that 
they  shrank  back  from  their  ,duty,  and  for  a 
time  it  seemed  that  no  one  would  strike  the 
blow.  At  length,  however,  some  among  the 
number,  who  were  relatives  of  those  that  Olyrn- 
pias  had  murdered,  succeeding  in  nerving  their 
arms  with  the  resolution  of  revenge,  fell  upon 
her  and  killed  her  with  their  swords. 

As  for  Roxana  and  the  boy,  Cassander  kept 
them  close  prisoners  for  many  years ;  and  final- 
ly, feeling  more  and  more  that  his  possession  of 
the  throne  of  Alexander  was  constantly  endan- 
gered by  the  existence  of  a  son  of  Alexander, 
caused  them  to  be  assassinated  too. 


64  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  332. 

The  family  of  fipirus.  Their  difficulties. 


CHAPTER  III. 
EARLY  LIFE  OF  PYRRHUS. 

IN  the  two  preceding  chapters  we  have  relat- 
ed that  portion  of  the  history  of  Macedonia 
which  it  is  necessary  to  understand  in  order 
rightly  to  appreciate  the  nature  of  the  difficul- 
ties in  which  the  royal  family  of  Epirus  was 
involved  at  the  time  when  Pyrrhus  first  appear- 
ed upon  the  stage.  The  sources  of  these  diffi- 
culties were  two :  first,  the  uncertainty  of  the 
line  of  succession,  there  being  two  branches  of 
the  royal  family,  each  claiming  the  throne, 
which  state  of  things  was  produced,  in  a  great 
measure,  by  the  interposition  of  Olympias  in 
the  affairs  of  Epirus  some  years  before ;  and, 
secondly,  the  act  of  Olympias  in  inducing  j^Ea- 
cides  to  come  to  Macedonia,  to  embark  in  her 
quarrel  against  Cassander  there.  Of  course, 
since  there  were  two  lines  of  princes,  both 
claiming  the  throne,  no  sovereign  of  either  line 
could  hold  any  thing  more  than  a  divided  em- 
pire over  the  hearts  of  his  subjects  ;  and  conse- 
quently, when  J3acides  left  the  kingdom  to 


B.C. 332.]  EARLY  LIFE  OFPYRRHUS.  65 

The  two  Alexanders.  Their  different  destinies. 

figfyt  the  battles  of.  Olympias  in  Macedon,  it 
was  comparatively  easy  for  the  party  opposed 
to  him  to  effect  a  revolution  and  raise  their 
own  prince  to  the  throne. 

The  prince  whom  Olympias  had  originally 
made  king  of  Epirus,  to  the  exclusion  of  the 
claimant  belonging  to  the  other  branch  of  the 
family,  was  her  own  brother.  His  name  was 
Alexander.  He  was  the  son  of  Neoptolemus 
The  rival  branch  of  the  family  were  the  chil- 
dren of  Arymbas,  the  brother  of  Neoptolemus. 
This  Alexander  flourished  at  the  same  time  as 
Alexander  the  Great,  and  in  his  character  very 
much  resembled  his  distinguished  namesake. 
He  commenced  a  career  of  conquest  in  Italy  at 
the  same  time  that  his  nephew  embarked  in  his 
in  Asia,  and  commenced  it,  too,  under  very  sim- 
ilar circumstances.  One  went  to  the  East,  and 
another  to  the  West,  each  determined  to  make 
himself  master  of  the  world.  The  Alexander 
of  Macedon  succeeded.  The  Alexander  of  Epi- 
rus failed.  The  one  acquired,  consequently, 
universal  and  perpetual  renown,  while  the 
memory  of  the  other  has  been  almost  entirely 
neglected  and  forgotten. 

One  reason,  unquestionably,  for  the  difference 
in  these  results  was  the  difference  in  the  char- 
22—5 


66  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  332. 

Adventures  of  Alexander  of  Macedon. 

acter  of  the  enemies  respectively  against  whom 
the  two  adventurers  had  to  contend.  Alexan- 
der of  E pirns  went  westward  into  Italy,  where 
he  had  to  encounter  the  soldiery  of  the  Romans 
— a  soldiery  of  the  most  rugged,  determined, 
and  indomitable  character.  Alexander  of  Ma- 
cedon, on  the  other  hand,  went  to  the  East, 
where  he  found  only  Asiatic  races  to  contend 
with,  whose  troops,  though  countless  in  num- 
bers and  magnificently  appointed  in  respect  to 
all  the  purposes  of  parade  and  display,  were  yet 
enervated  with  luxury,  and  wholly  unable  to 
stand  against  any  energetic  and  determined  foe. 
In  fact,  Alexander  of  Epirus  used  to  say  that 
the  reason  why  his  nephew,  Alexander  of  Mace- 
don, had  succeeded,  while  he  himself  had  failed, 
was  because  he  himself  had  invaded  countries 
peopled  by  men,  while  the  Macedonian,  in  his 
Asiatic  campaign,  had  encountered  only  women. 
However  this  may  be,  the  campaign  of  Alex- 
ander  of  Epirus  in  Italy  had  a  very  disastrous 
termination.  The  occasion  of  his  going  there 
was  a  request  which  he  had  received  from  the 
inhabitants  of  Tarentum  that  he  would  come 
over  and  assist  them  in  a  war  in  which  they 
were  ensraged  with  some  neighboring  tribes. 

O     O  o  o 

Tarentum  was  a  city  situated  toward  the  west- 


B.C. 326.]  EARLY  LIFE  OF  PYRRHUS.    67 

The  Gulf  of  Tarentum.  Oracle  of  Dodona. 

ern  shore  of  Italy.  It  was  at  the  head  of  the 
deep  bay  called  the  Gulf  of  Tarentum,  which 
bay  occupies  the  hollow  of  the  foot  that  the 
form  of  Italy  presents  to  the  eye  as  seen  upon  a 
map.*  Tarentum  was,  accordingly,  across  the 
Adriatic  Sea  from  Epirus.  The  distance  was 
about  two  hundred  miles.  By  taking  a  south- 
erly route,  and  going  up  the  Gulf  of  Tarentum, 
this  distance  might  be  traversed  wholly  by  sea. 
A  little  to  the  north  the  Adriatic  is  narrow,  the 
passage  there  being  only  about  fifty  miles  across. 
To  an  expedition,  however,  taking  this  course, 
there  would  remain,  after  arriving  on  he  Ital- 
ian shore,  fifty  miles  or  more  to  be  accomplish- 
ed by  land  in  order  to  reach  Tarentum. 

Before  deciding  to  comply  with  the  request 
of  the  Tarentines  that  he  would  come  to  their 
aid,  Alexander  sent  to  a  celebrated  oracle  in 
Epirus,  called  the  oracle  of  Dodona,  to  inquire 
whether  it  would  be  safe  for  him  to  undertake 
the  expedition.  To  his  inquiries  the  oracle  gave 
him  this  for  an  answer  : 

"  The  waters  of  Acheron  will  be  the  cause  of  your  death, 
and  Pandosia  is  the  place  where  you  will  die." 

Alexander  was  greatly  rejoiced  at  receiving 
this  answer.     Acheron  was  a  stream  of  Epirus,. 
*  See  map. 


68  PYRRH-JS.  [B.C.  326. 

Pandosia.  The  equivocal  prediction. 

and  Pandosia  was  a  town  upon  the  banks  of 
it.  He  understood  the  response  to  mean  that 
he  was  fated  to  die  quietly  in  his  own  country 
at  some  future  period,  probably  a  remote  one, 
and  that  there  was  no  danger  in  his  undertak- 
ing the  expedition  to  which  he  had  been  called. 
He  accordingly  set  sail  from  Epirus,  and  land- 
ed in  Italy ;  and  there,  believing  that  he  was 
fated  to  die  in  Epirus,  and  not  in  Italy,  he  fought 
in  every  battle  with  the  most  desperate  and 
reckless  bravery,  and  i  chieved  prodigies  of  valor. 
The  possibility  that  there  might  be  an  Acheron 
and  a  Pandosia  in  Italy,  as  well  as  in  Epirus, 
did  not  occur  to  his  mind. 

For  a  time  he  was  very  successful  in  his  ca- 
reer. He  fought  battles,  gained  victories,  con- 
quered cities,  and  established  his  dominion  over 
quite  an  extended  region.  In  order  to  hold 
what  he  had  gained,  he  sent  over  a  great  num- 
ber of  hostages  to  Epirus,  to  be  kept  there  as 
security  for  the  continued  submission  of  those 
whom  he  had  subdued.  These  hostages  con- 
sisted chiefly,  as  was  usual  in  such  cases,  of 
children.  At  length,  in  the  course  of  the  war, 
an  occasion  arose  in  which  it  was  necessary,  for 
the  protection  of  his  troops,  to  encamp  them  on 
three  hills  which  were  situated  very  near  to  each 


B.C. 326.]  EARLY  LIFE  OF  PYRRIIUS.    CO 

The  unexpected  inundation.  Effects  of  it. 

other.  These  hills  were  separated  by  low  in- 
terval lands  and  a  small  stream ;  but  at  the 
time  when  Alexander  established  his  encamp- 
ment, the  stream  constituted  no  impediment  to 
free  intercommunication  between  the  different 
divisions  of  his  army.  There  came  on,  how- 
ever, a  powerful  rain ;  the  stream  overflowed  its 
banks ;  the  intervals  were  inundated.  This  en- 
abled the  enemy  to  attack  two  of  Alexander's 
encampments,  while  it  was  utterly  impossible 
for  Alexander  himself  to  render  them  any  aid. 
The  enemy  made  the  attack,  and  were  success- 
ful in  it.  The  two  camps  were  broken  up,  and 
the  troops  stationed  in  them  were  put  to  flight. 
Those  that  remained  with  Alexander,  becoming 
discouraged  by  the  hopeless  condition  in  which 
they  found  themselves  placed,  mutinied,  and 
sent  to  the  camp  of  the  enemy,  offering  to  de- 
liver up  Alexander  to  them,  dead  or  alive,  as 
they  should  choose,  on  condition  that  they  them- 
selves might  be  allowed  to  return  to  their  na- 
tive land  in  peace.  This  proposal  was  accept- 
ed ;  but,  before  it  was  put  in  execution,  Alexan- 
der, having  discovered  the  plot,  placed  himself 
at  the  head  of  a  determined  and  desperate  band 
of  followers,  broke  through  the  ranks  of  the  en- 
emies that  surrounded  him,  and  made  his  es- 


70  P  Y  R  R  ii  u  s.  [B.  C.  326. 

Bridge  carried  away.  The  River  of  Sorrow. 

cape  to  a  neighboring  wood.  From  this  wood 
he  took  a  route  which  led  him  to  a  river,  in- 
tending to  pass  the  river  by  a  bridge  which  he 
expected  to  find  there,  and  then  to  destroy  the 
bridge  as  soon  as  he  had  crossed  it,  so  as  to  pre- 
vent his  enemies  from  following  him.  By  this 
means  he  hoped  to  make  his  way  to  some  place 
of  safety.  He  found,  on  arriving  at  the  brink 
of  the  stream,  that  the  bridge  had  been  carried 
away  by  the  inundation.  He,  however,  pressed 
forward  into  the  water  on  horseback,  intending 
to  ford  the  stream.  The  torrent  was  wild,  and 
the  danger  was  imminent,  but  Alexander  press- 
ed on.  At  length  one  of  the  attendants,  seeing 
his  master  in  imminent  danger  of  being  drown- 
ed, exclaimed  aloud,  "  This  cursed  river !  well 
is  it  named  Acheron."  The  word  Acheron,  in 
the  original  language,  signifies  River  of  Borrow. 
By  this  exclamation  Alexander  learned,  for 
the  first  time,  that  the  river  he  was  crossing 
bore  the  same  name  with  the  one  in  Epirus, 
which  he  supposed  had  been  referred  to  in  the 
warning  of  the  oracle.  He  was  at  once  over- 
whelmed'with  consternation.  He  did  not  know 
whether  to  go  forward  or  to  return.  The  mo- 
ment of  indecision  was  suddenly  ended  by  a 
loud  outcry  from  his  attendants,  giving  the 


B.C. 326.]  EARLY  LIFE  OF  PYRRHUS.    71 

Alexander  killed.  His  body  falls  into  the  river. 

alarm  that  the  traitors  were  close  upon  hirru 
Alexander  then  pushed  forward  across  the  wa- 
ter. He  succeeded  in  gaining  the  bank;  but 
as  soon  as  he  did  so,  a  dart  from  one  of  his  ene- 
mies reached  him  and  killed  him  on  the  spot. 
His  lifeless  body  fell  back  into  the  river,  and 
was  floated  down  the  stream,  until  at  length  it 
reached  the  camp  of  the  enemy,  which  happen- 
ed to  be  on  the  bank  of  the  stream  below.  Here 
it  was  drawn  out  of  the  water,  and  subjected  to 
every  possible  indignity.  The  soldiers  cut  the 
body  in  two,  and,  sending  one  part  to  one  of  the 
cities  as  a  trophy  of  their  victory,  they  set  up 
the  other  part  in  the  camp  as  a  target  for  the 
soldiers  to  shoot  at  with  darts  and  javelins. 

At  length  a  woman  came  into  the  camp,  and, 
with  earnest  entreaties  and  many  tears,  begged 
the  soldiers  to  give  the  mutilated  corpse  to  her. 
Her  object  in  wishing  to  obtain  possession  of  it 
was,  that  she  might  send  it  home  to  Epirus,  to 
the  family  of  Alexander,  and  buy  with  it  the 
liberty  of  her  husband  and  her  children,  who 
were  among  the  hostages  which  had  been  sent 
there.  The  soldiers  acceded  to  this  request,  and 
the  parts  of  the  body  having  been  brought  to- 
gether again,  were  taken  to  Epirus,  and  deliv- 
ered to  Olympias,  by  whom  the  remains  were 


72  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  326. 

A  woman  rescues  the  remains.  Olympias. 

honorably  interred.  We  must  presume  that 
the  woman  who  sent  them  obtained  the  expect- 
ed reward,  in  the  return  of  her  husband  and 
children,  though  of  this  we  are  not  expressly 
informed. 

Of  course,  the  disastrous  result  of  this  most 
unfortunate  expedition  had  the  effect,  in  Epi- 
rus,  of  diminishing  very  much  the  popularity 
and  the  strength  of  that  branch  of  the  royal  fam- 
ily— namely,  the  line  of  Neoptolemus — to  which 
Alexander  had  belonged.  Accordingly,  instead 
of  being  succeeded  by  one  of  his  brothers,  .ZE  a- 
cides,  the  father  of  Pyrrhus,  who  was  the  rep- 
resentative of  the  other  line,  was  permitted  qui- 
etly to  assume  the  crown.  It  might  have  been 
expected  that  Olympias  would  have  opposed  his 
accession,  as  she  was  herself  a  princess  of  the 
rival  line.  She  did  not,  however,  do  so.  On 
the  contrary,  she  gave  him  her  support,  and  al- 
lied herself  to  him  very  closely  ;  and  he,  on  his 
part,  became  in  subsequent  years  one  of  her 
most  devoted  adherents  and  friends. 

When  Olympias  was  shut  up  in  Pydna  by 
the  army  of  Cassander,  as  was  related  in  the 
last  chapter,  and  sent  for  .ZEacides  to  come  to 
her  aid,  he  immediately  raised  an  army  and 
marched  to  the  frontier.  He  found  the  passes 


B.C. 318.]  EARLY  LIFE  OF  PYRRHUS.  73 

JEacides  marches  to  relieve  Pydiia. 

in  the  mountains  which  led  from  Epirus  to  Mac- 
edonia all  strongly  guarded,  but  he  still  determ- 
ined to  force  his  way  through.  He  soon,  how- 
ever, began  to  observe  marks  of  discontent  and 
dissatisfaction  among  the  officers  of  his  army. 
These  indications  increased,  until  at  length  the 
disaffection  broke  out  into  open  mutiny,  as 
stated  in  the  last  chapter.  ^Sacides  then  call- 
ed his  forces  together,  and  gave  orders  that  all 
who  were  unwilling  to  follow  him  into  Macedon 
should  be  allowed  freely  to  return.  He  did  not 
wish,  he  said,  that  any  should  accompany  him 
on  such  an  expedition  excepting  those  who  went 
of  their  own  free  will.  A  considerable  part  of 
the  army  then  returned,  but,  instead  of  repair- 
ing peaceably  to  their  homes,  they  raised  a  gen- 
eral insurrection  in  Epirus,  and  brought  the 
family  of  Neoptolemus  again  to  the  throne.  A 
solemn  decree  of  the  state  was  passed,  declar- 
ing that  ^Jacides,  in  withdrawing  from  the 
kingdom,  had  forfeited  his  crown,  and  banish- 
ing him  forever  from  the  country.  And  as  this 
revolution  was  intended  to  operate,  not  merely 
against  J3acides  personally,  but 'against  the 
branch  of  the  royal  family  to  which  he  belong- 
ed, the  new  government  deemed  it  necessary, 
in  order  to  finish  their  work  and  make  it  sure, 


74  PYREHUS.  [B.C.  318. 

The  flight  of  the  family  with  Pyrrhus. 

that  many  of  his  relatives  and  friends,  and  es- 
pecially his  infant  son  and  heir,  should  die.  Sev- 
eral of  the  members  of  .ZEacides'  family  were 
accordingly  killed,  though  the  attendants  in 
charge  succeeded  in  saving  the  life  of  the  child 
by  a  sudden  flight. 

The  escape  was  effected  by  the  instrumental- 
ity of  two  of  the  officers  of  ^Eacides'  household, 
named  Androclides  and  Angelus.  These  men, 
as  soon  as  the  alarm  was  given,  hurried  the 
babe  away,  with  only  such  nurses  and  other  at- 
tendants as  it  was  necessary  to  take  with  them. 
The  child  was  still  unweaned ;  and  though 
those  in  charge  made  the  number  of  attendants 
as  small  as  possible,  still  the  party  were  neces- 
sarily of  such  a  character  as  to  forbid  any  great 
rapidity  of  flight.  A  troop  was  sent  in  pursuit 
of  them,  and  soon  began  to  draw  near.  When 
Androclides  found  that  his  party  would  be  over- 
taken by  the  troop,  he  committed  the  child  to 
the  care  of  three  young  men,  bidding  them  to 
ride  on  with  him,  at  their  utmost  speed,  to  a 
certain  town  in  Mace-don,  called  Megarae,  where 
they  thought  he  would  be  safe ;  and  then  he 
himself,  and  the  rest  of  his  company,  turned 
back  to  meet  the  pursuers.  They  succeeded, 
partly  by  their  representations  and  entreaties- 


B.C. 318.]  EARLY  LIFE  OF  PYRRIIUS.  75 

The  party  meet  with  a  narrow  escape. 

and  partly  by  such  resistance  and  obstruction 
as  it  was  in  their  power  to  make,  in  stopping 
the  soldiers  where  they  were.  At  length,  hav- 
ing, though  with  some  difficulty,  succeeded  in 
getting  away  from  the  soldiers,  Androclides  and 
Angelus  rode  on  by  secret  ways  till  they  over- 
took the  three  young  men.  They  now  began 
to  think  that  the  danger  was  over.  At  length, 
a  little  after  sunset,  they  approached  the  town 
of  Megarae.  There  was  a  river  just  before  the 
town,  which  looked  too  rough  and  dreadful  to 
be  crossed.  The  party,  however,  advanced  to 
the  brink,  and  attempted  to  ford  the  stream,  but 
they  found  it  impossible.  It  was  growing  dark  ; 
the  water  of  the  river,  having  been  swelled  by 
rains,  was  very  high  and  boisterous,  and  they 
found  that  they  could  not  get  over.  At  length 
they  saw  some  of  the  people  of  the  town  coming 
down  to  the  bank  on  the  opposite  side.  They 
were  in  hopes  that  these  people  could  render 
them  some  assistance  in  crossing  the  stream, 
and  they  began  to  call  out  to  them  for  this  pur- 
pose; but  the  stream  ran  so  rapidly,  and  the 
roaring  of  the  torrent  was  so  great,  that  they 
could  not  make  themselves  heard.  The  dis- 
tance was  very  inconsiderable,  for  the  stream 
was  not  wide  ;  but,  though  the  party  with  Pyr- 


76  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  318. 

Ingenious  mode  of  sending  a  letter. 

rhus  called  aloud  and  earnestly,  and  made  signs, 
holding  up  the  chiid  in  their  arms  to  let  the 
people  see  him,  they  could  not  make  themselves 
understood. 

At  last,  after  spending  some  time  in  these, 
fruitless  efforts,  one  of  the  party  who  were  with 
Pyrrhus  thought  of  the  plan  of  writing  what 
they  wished  to  say  upon  a  piece  of  bark,  and 
throwing  it  across  the  stream  to  those  on  the 
other  side.  They  accordingly  pulled  off  some 
bark  from  a  young  oak  which  was  growing  on 
a  bank  of  the  river,  and  succeeded  in  making 
characters  upon  it  by  means  of  the  tongue  of  a 
buckle,  sufficient  to  say  that  they  had  with 
them  Pyrrhus,  the  young  prince  of  Epirus,  and 
that  they  were  flying  with  him  to  save  his  lifer 
and  to  implore  the  people  on  the  other  side  to 
contrive  some  way  to  get  them  over  the  river. 
This  piece  of  bark  they  then  managed  to  throw 
across  the  stream.  Some  say  that  they  rolled 
it  around  a  javelin,  and  then  gave  the  javelin  to 
the  strongest  of  their  party  to  throw ;  others 
say  that  they  attached  it  to  a  stone.  In  some 
way  or  other  they  contrived  to  give  it  a  sufficient 
momentum  to  carry  it  across  the  water ;  and 
the  people  on  the  other  side,  when  they  obtain- 
ed it,  and  read  what  was  written  upon  it,  were 


B.C. 318.]  EARLY  LIFE  OF  PYRRHUS-  77 

The  raft.  Pyrrhus  is  carried  to  Illyria 

greatly  excited  by  the  tidings,  and  engaged  at 
once  with  ardor  and  enthusiasm  in  efforts  to 
save  the  child. 

They  brought  axes  and  began  to  cut  down 
trees  to  make  a  raft.  In  due  time  the  raft  was 
completed;  and,  notwithstanding  the  darkness 
of  the  night,  and  the  force  and  swiftness  of  the 
current  of  the  stream,  the  party  of  fugitives 
succeeded  in  crossing  upon  it,  and  thus  brought 
the  child  and  all  the  attendants  accompanying 
him  safely  over. 

The  party  with  Pyrrhus  did  not  intend  to  stop 
at  Megarae.  They  did  not  consider  it  safe,  in 
fact,  for  them  to  remain  in  any  part  of  Mace- 
don,  not  knowing  what  course  the  war  between 
Polysperchon  and  Cassander  would  take  there, 
or  how  the  parties  engaged  in  the  contest  might 
stand  affected  toward  Pyrrhus.  They  determ- 
ined, therefore,  to  press  forward  in  their  flight 
till  they  had  passed  through  Macedon,  and 
reached  the  country  beyond. 

The  country  north  of  Macedon,  on  the  west- 
ern coast,  the  one  in  which  they  determined  to 
seek  refuge,  was  Illyria.  The  name  of  the  King 
of  Illyria  was  Grlaucias.  They  had  reason  to 
believe  that  Grlaucias  would  receive  and  pro- 
tect the  child,  for  he  was  connected  by  mar- 


78  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  318 

Little  Pyrrhus  at  the  court  of  Glaucias. 

riage  with  the  royal  family  of  Epirus,  his  wife, 
Be roa,  being  a  princess  of  the  line  of  ^acides. 
When  the  fugitives  arrived  at  the  court  of  Glau- 
cias, they  went  to  the  palace,  where  they  found 
Glaucias  and  Beroa ;  and,  after  telling  the  story 
of  their  danger  and  escape,  they  laid  the  child 
down  as  a  suppliant  at  the  feet  of  the  king. 

Glaucias  felt  not  a  little  embarrassed  at  the 
situation  in  which  he  was  placed,  and  did  not 
know  what  to  do.  He  remained  for  a  long  time 
silent.  At  length,  little  Pyrrhus,  who  was  all 
the  while  lying  at  his  feet,  began  to  creep  closer 
toward  him;  and,  finally,  taking  hold  of  the 
king's  robe,  he  began  to  climb  up  by  it,  and  at- 
tempted to  get  into  his  lap,  looking  up  into  the 
king's  face,  at  the  same  time,  with  a  counte- 
nance in  which  the  expression  of  confidence  and 
hope  was  mingled  with  a  certain  instinctive  in- 
fantile fear.  The  heart  of  the  king  was  so 
touched  by  this  mute  appeal,  that  he  took  the 
child  up  in  his  arms,  dismissed  at  once  all  pru- 
dential considerations  from  his  mind,  and,  in  the 
end,  delivered  the  boy  to  the  queen,  Beroa,  di- 
recting her  to  bring  him  up  with  her  own  chil- 
dren. 

Cassander  soon  discovered  the  place  of  Pyr- 
rhus's  retreat,  and  he  made  great  efforts  to  in- 


B.C.  306.]  EARLY  LIFE  OF  PYRRHUS.    79 

Pyrrhus  becomes  a  large  boy.  Cassander's  plans. 

duce  Glaucias  to  give  him  up.  He  offered 
Glaucias  a  very  large  sum  of  money  if  he  would 
deliver  Pyrrhus  into  his  hands;  but  Glaucias 
refused  to  do  it.  Cassander  would,  perhaps, 
have  made  war  upon  Glaucias  to  compel  him  to 
comply  with  this  requisition,  but  he  was  then 
fully  occupied  with  the  enemies  that  threaten- 
ed him  in  Greece  and  Macedon.  He  did,  sub- 
sequently, make  an  attempt  to  invade  the  do- 
minions of  Glaucias,  and  to  get  possession  of 
the  person  of  Pyrrhus,  but  the  expedition  failed, 
and  after  that  the  boy  was  allowed  to  remain  in 
Illyria  without  any  further  molestation. 

Time  passed  on,  until  at  length  Pyrrhus  was 
twelve  years  old.  During  this  interval  great 
changes  took  place  in  the  affairs  of  Cassander  in 
Macedon.  At  first  he  was  very  successful  in 
his  plans.  He  succeeded  in  expelling  Polysper- 
chon  from  the  country,  and  in  establishing  him- 
self as  king.  He  caused  Roxana  and  the  young 
Alexander  to  be  assassinated,  as  was  stated  in 
the  last  chapter,  so  as  to  remove  out  of  the  way 
the  only  persons  who  he  supposed  could  ever 
advance  any  rival  claims  to  the  throne.  For  a 
time  every  thing  went  well  and  prosperously 
with  him,  but  at  length  the  tide  of  his  affairs 
seemed  to  turn.  A  new  enemy  appeared  against 


80  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  301. 

Glaucias  establishes  Pyrrhus  on  his  throne. 

him  in  Asia — a  certain  distinguished  command- 
er, named  Demetrius,  who  afterward  became 
one  of  the  most  illustrious  personages  of  his  age. 
Just  at  this  time,  too,  the  King  of  Epirus,  Alce- 
tus,  the  prince  of  the  family  of  Neoptolemus, 
\vho  had  reigned  during  Pyrrhus's  exile  in  II- 
lyria,  died.  Glaucias  deemed  this  a  favorable 
opportunity  for  restoring  Pyrrhus  to  the  throne. 
He  accordingly  placed  himself  at  the  head  of 
an  army,  and  marched  into  Epirus,  taking  the 
young  prince  with  him.  No  effectual  resist- 
ance was  made,  and  Pyrrhus  was  crowned  king. 
He  was,  of  course,  too  young  actually  to  reign, 
and  a  sort  of  regent  was  accordingly  establish- 
ed in  power,  with  authority  to  govern  the  coun- 
try in  the  young  king's  name  until  he  should 
come  of  age. 

This  state  of  things  could  not  be  very  stable. 
It  endured  about  five  years;  and  during  this 
time  Pyrrhus  seemed  to  be  very  firmly  estab- 
lished in  power.  The  strength  of  his  position, 
however,  was  more  apparent  than  real ;  for  the 
princes  of  the  other  branch  of  the  family,  who 
had  been  displaced  by  Pyrrhus's  return  to  pow- 
er, were  of  course  discontented  and  restless  all 
the  time.  They  were  continually  forming  plots 
and  conspiracies,  and  were  only  waiting  for  an 


B.C.301.]  EARLY  LIFE  OF  PYRRHUS,   81 

Kebellion.  Pyrrlius  once  more  an  «xile. 

opportunity  to  effect  another  revolution.  The 
opportunity  at  length  came.  One  of  the  sons 
of  Grlaucias  was  to  be  married.  Pyrrhus  had 
been  the  companion  and  playmate  of  this  prince 
during  his  residence  in  Illyria,  and  was,  of 
course,  invited  to  the  wedding.  Supposing  that 
all  was  safe  in  his  dominions,  he  accepted  tlie 
invitation,  and  went  to  Illyria.  While  he  was 
there,  amusing  himself  in  the  festivities  and  re- 
joicings connected  with  the  wedding,  his  rivals 
raised  a  rebellion,  took  possession  of  the  gov- 
ernment, and  of  all  of  Pyrrhus's  treasures,  kill- 
ed or  put  to  flight  his  partisans  and  friends,  and 
raised  a  prince  of  the  family  of  Neoptolemus  to 
the  throne.  Pyrrhus  found  himself  once  more 
an  exile. 

The  revolution  in  Epirus  was  so  complete, 
that,  after  careful  consideration  and  inquiry, 
Pyrrhus  could  see,  with  the  resources  he  had  at 
his  command,  no  hope  of  recovering  his  throne. 
But,  being  of  an  ambitious  and  restless  spirit, 
he  determined  not  to  remain  idle ;  and  he  con- 
cluded, therefore,  to  enter  into  the  service  of 
Demetrius  in  his  war  against  Cassander.  There 
were  two  considerations  which  led  him  to  -do 
this.  In  the  first  place,  Cassander  was  his  most 
formidable  enemy,  and  the  prospect  of  his  being 

22—6 


82  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  301. 

Pyrrhus  enters  into  the  service  of  Demetrius. 

ultimately  restored  again  to  his  throne  would 
depend  almost  entirely,  he  well  knew,  upon  the 
possibility  of  destroying,  or  at  least  curtailing, 
Cassander's  power.  Then,  besides,  Demetrius 
was  especially  his  friend.  The  wife  of  Deme- 
trius was  Deidamia,  the  sister  of  Pyrrhus,  so 
that  Pyrrhus  looked  upon  Demetrius  as  his  nat- 
ural ally.  He  accordingly  offered  to  enter  the 
service  of  Demetrius,  and  was  readily  received. 
In  fact,  notwithstanding  his  youth — for  he  was 
now  only  seventeen  or  eighteen  years  of  age — 
Demetrius  gave  him  a  very  important  command 
in  his  army,  and  took  great  pains  to  instruct 
him  in  the  art  of  war.  It  was  not  long  before 
an  opportunity  was  afforded  to  make  trial  of 
Pyrrhus's  capacity  as  a  soldier.  A  great  battle 
was  fought  at  Ipsus,  in  Asia  Minor,  between 
Demetrius  on  one  side  and  Cassander  on  the 
other.  Besides  these  two  commanders,  there 
were  many  princes  and  generals  of  the  highest 
rank  who  took  part  in  the  contest  as  allies  of 
the  principal  combatants,  which  had  the  effect 
of  making  the  battle  a  very  celebrated  one,  and 
of  causing  it  to  attract  very  strongly  the  atten- 
tion of  all  mankind  at  the  time  when  it  occur- 
red. The  result  of  the  contest  was,  on  the 
whole,  unfavorable  to  the  cause  of  Demetrius. 


B.C.  300.]  EARLY  LIFE   OF   PYBBHUS.  83 

Pyrrhus  acquires  great  renown.  He  becomes  a  hostage. 

His  troops,  generally,  were  compelled  to  give 
way,  though  the  division  which  Pyrrhus  com- 
manded retained  their  ground.  Pyrrhus,  in 
fact,  acquired  great  renown  by  his,  courage  and 
energy,  and  perhaps  still  more  by  his  success 
on  this  occasion.  Young  as  he  was,  Demetrius 
immediately  gave  him  a  new  and  very  respon- 
sible command,  and  intrusted  to  him  the  charge 
of  several  very  important  expeditions  and  cam- 
paigns, in  all  of  which  the  young  soldier  evinced 
such  a  degree  of  energy  and  courage,  combined, 
too,  with  so  much  forethought,  prudence,  and 
military  skill,  as  presaged  very  clearly  his  sub- 
sequent renown. 

At  length  an  alliance  was  formed  between 
Demetrius  and  Ptolemy,  king  of  Egypt,  and  as 
security  for  the  due  execution  of  the  obligations 
assumed  by  Demetrius  in  the  treaty  which  they 
made,  Ptolemy  demanded  a  hostage.  Pyrrhus 
offered  to  go  himself  to  Egypt  in  this  capacity. 
Ptolemy  accepted  him,  and  Pyrrhus  was  ac- 
cordingly taken  in  one  of  Ptolemy's  ships  across 
the  Mediterranean  to  Alexandria. 

In  Egypt  the  young  prince  was,  of  course,  an 
object  of  universal  attention  and  regard.  He 
was  tall  and  handsome  in  person,  agreeable  in 
manners,  and  amiable  and  gentle  in  disposition, 


84  PYRRHUS.  [B.  C.295. 

The  situation  of  a  hostage. 

His  royal  rank,  the  fame  of  the  exploits  which 
ke  had  performed,  the  misfortunes  of  his  early 
years,  and  the  strange  and  romantic  adventures 
through  which  he  had  passed,  ah1  conspired  to 
awaken  a  deep  interest  in  his  favor  at  the  court 
nf  Ptolemy.  The  situation  of  a  hostage,  too,  is 
always  one  which  strongly  attracts  the  sympa- 
thy and  kind  feelings  of  those  who  hold  him  in 
custody.  A  captive  is  regarded  in  some  sense 
as  an  enemy  ;  and  though  his  hard  lot  may 
awaken  a  certain  degree  of  pity  and  commisei- 
ation,  still  the  kind  feeling  is  always  modified: 
by  the  fact  that  the  object  of  it,  after  all,  though 
disarmed  and  helpless,  is  still  a  foe.  A  hostage., 
however,  is  a  friend.  He  comes  as  security  foi 
the  faithfulness  of  a  friend  and  an  ally,  so  that 
the  sympathy  and  interest  which  are  felt  fot 
him  as  an  exile  from  his  native  land,  are  heigh'-- 
ened  by  the  circumstance  that  his  position 
makes  him  naturally  an  object  of  friendly  ro-t 
gard. 

The  attachment  which  soon  began  to  be  fell 
for  Pyrrhus  in  the  court  of  Ptolemy  was  in- 
creased by  the  excellent  conduct  and  demeanor 
which  he  exhibited  while  he  was  there.  He 
was  very  temperate  and  moderate  in  his  pleas- 
ures, and  upright  and  honorable  in  all  bis  do- 


B.C.295.]  EARLY  LIFE  OF  PYRRHUS.  85 


Pyrrhus  in  the  court  of  Ptolemy. 


ings.  In  a  word,  he  made  himself  a  general 
favorite  ;  and  after  a  year  or  two  he  married 
Antigone,  a  princess  of  the  royal  family.  From 
being  a  hostage  he  now  became  a  guest,  and 
shortly  afterward  Ptolemy  fitted  out  an  expedi- 
tion to  proceed  to  Epirus  and  restore  him  to  his 
throne.  On  arriving  in  Epirus,  Pyrrhus  found 
every  thing  favorable  to  the  success  of  his  plans. 
The  people  of  the  country  had  become  discon- 
tented with  the  government  of  the  reigning  king, 
and  were  very  willing  to  receive  Pyrrhus  in  his 
place.  The  revolution  was  easily  effected,  and 
Pyrrhus  was  thus  once  more  restored  to  bis 
throne. 


86  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  295. 

Pyrrhus  is  restored  to  his  throne. 


CHAPTER    IV. 
WARS    IN    MACEDON. 

prince  whom  Pyrrhus  displaced  from 
JL  the  throne  of  Epirus  on  his  return  from 
Egypt,  as  narrated  in  the  last  chapter,  was,  of 
course,  of  the  family  of  Neoptolemus.  His  own 
name  was  Neoptolemus,  and  he  was  the  second 
son  of  the  Neoptolemus  who  gave  his  name  to 
the  line. 

Pyrrhus  exercised  an  uncommon  degree  of 
moderation  in  his  victory  over  his  rival ;  for,  in- 
stead of  taking  his  life,  or  even  banishing  him 
from  the  kingdom,  he  treated  him  with  respect- 
ful consideration,  and  offered,  very  generously, 
as  it  would  seem,  to  admit  him  to  a  share  of  the 
regal  power.  Neoptolemus  accepted  this  pro- 
posal, and  the  two  kings  reigned  conjointly  for 
a  considerable  time.  A  difficulty,  however,  be- 
fore long  occurred,  which  led  to  an  open  quarrel, 
the  result  of  which  was  that  Neoptolemus  was 
slain.  The  circumstances,  as  related  by  the 
historians  of  the  time,  were  as  follows : 

It  seems  that  it  was  the  custom  of  the  people 


B.C.295.]    WARS    IN    MACEDON.  87 

A  celebration.  Festivities.  Gelon's  gift. 

of  Epirus  to  celebrate  an  annual  festival  at  a 
certain  city  in  the  kingdom,  for  the  purpose 
chiefly  of  renewing  the  oaths  of  allegiance  on 
the  one  part,  and  of  fealty  on  the  other,  between 
the  people  and  the  king.  Of  course,  ther6  were 
a  great  many  games  and  spectacles,  as  well  as 
various  religious  rites  and  ceremonies,  connected 
with  this  celebration  ;  and  among  other  usages 
which  prevailed,  it  was  the  custom  for  the  peo- 
ple to  bring  presents  to  the  king  on  the  occasion. 
When  the  period  for  this  celebration  recurred, 
after  Pyrrhus's  restoration  to  the  throne,  both 
Pyrrhus  and  Neoptolemus,  each  attended  by  his 
own  particular  followers  and  friends,  repaired  to 
the  city  where  the  celebration  was  to  be  held, 
and  commenced  the  festivities. 

Among  other  donations  which  were  made  to 
Pyrrhus  at  this  festival,  he  received  a  present 
of  two  yoke  of  oxen  from  a  certain  man  named 
Gelon,  who  was  a  particular  friend  of  Neopto- 
lemus. It  appears  that  it  was  the  custom  for 
the  kings  to  dispose  of  many  of  the  presents 
which  they  received  on  these  occasions  from  the 
people  of  the  country,  by  giving  them  to  their 
attendants  and  the  officers  of  their  households ; 
and  a  certain  cup-bearer,  named  Myrtilus,  beg- 
ged Pyrrhus  to  give  these  oxen  to  him.  Pyrrhus 


88  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  295. 

Gelon  and  Myrtilns  fonn  a  plot. 

declined  this  request,  but  afterward  gave  the 
oxen  to  another  man.  Myrtilus  was  offended 
at  this,  and  uttered  privately  many  murmurings 
and  complaints.  Gelon,  perceiving  this,  invited 
Myrtilus  to  sup  with  him.  In  the  course  of  the 
sapper,  he  attempted  to  excite  still  more  the  ill- 
Trill  which  Myrtilus  felt  toward  Pyrrhus ;  and 
iinding  that  he  appeared  to  succeed  in  doing 
this,  he  finally  proposed  to  Myrtilus  to  espouse 
the  cause  of  Neoptolemus,  and  join  in  a  plot  fov 
poisoning  Pyrrhus.  His  office  as  cup-bearer 
would  enable  him,  Gelon  said,  to  execute  such 
a  design  without  difficulty  or  danger,  and,  by 
doing  it,  he  would  so  commend  himself  to  the 
regard  of  Neoptolemus,  that  he  might  rely  on 
the  most  ample  and  abundant  rewards.  Myr- 
tilus  appeared  to  receive  these  proposals  with 
great  favor ;  he  readily  promised  to  embark  in 
the  plot,  and  promised  to  fulfill  the  part  assign- 
ed him  in  the  execution  of  it.  When  the  proper 
time  arrived,  after  the  conclusion  of  the  supper, 
Myrtilus  took  leave  of  Gelon,  and,  proceeding 
directly  to  Pyrrhus,  he  related  to  him  all  that 
had  occurred. 

Pyrrhus  did  not  take  any  rash  or  hasty  meas- 
ures in  the  emergency,  for  he  knew  very  well 
that  if  Gelon  were  to  be  then  charged  with  the 


B.C  295.]    WARS   IN    MACEDON.  89 

The  cup-bearer  pretends  to  join  the  plot. 

crime  which  he  had  proposed  to  commit,  he 
would  deny  having  ever  proposed  it,  and  that 
then  there  would  be  only  the  word  of  Myrtilus 
against  that  of  Grelon,  and  that  impartial  men 
would  have  no  positive  means  of  deciding  be- 
tween them.  He  thought,  therefore,  very  wise- 
ly, that,  before  taking  any  decided  steps,  it 
would  be  necessary  to  obtain  additional  proof 
that  Gelon  had  really  made  the  proposal.  He 
accordingly  directed  Myrtilus  to  continue  to 
pretend  that  he  favored  the  plan,  and  to  propose 
to  Grelon  to  invite  another  cup-bearer,  named 
Alexicrates,  to  join  the  plot.  Alexicrates  was 
to  be  secretly  instructed  to  appear  ready  to  enter 
into  the  conspiracy  when  he  should  be  called 
upon,  and  thus,  as  Pyrrhus  expected,  the  testi- 
mony of  two  witnesses  would  be  obtained  to 
Grelon's  guilt. 

It  happened,  however,  that  the  necessary  evi- 
dence against  Grelon  was  furnished  without  a 
resort  to  this  measure  ;  for  when  Grelon  report- 
ed to  Neoptolernus  that  Myrtilus  had  acceded  to 
his  proposal  to  join  him  in  a  plan  for  removing 
Pyrrhus  out  of  the  way,  Neoptolernus  was  so 
much  overjoyed  at  the  prospect  of  recovering^ 
the  throne  to  his  own  family  again,  that  he 
could  not  refrain  from  revealing  the  nlan  to 


90  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  295. 

Conversation  overheard  in  a  very  singular  manner. 

certain  members  of  the  family,  and,  among 
others,  to  his  sister  Cadmia.  At  the  time  when 
he  thus  discovered  the  design  to  Cadmia,  he 
supposed  that  nobody  was  within  hearing.  The 
conversation  took  place  in  an  apartment  where 
he  had  been  supping  with  Cadmia,  and  it  hap- 
pened that  there  was  a  servant-woman  lying 
upon  a  couch  in  the  corner  of  the  room  at  the 
time,  with  her  face  to  the  wall,  apparently 
asleep.  She  was,  in  reality,  not  asleep,  and  she 
overheard  all  the  conversation.  She  lay  still, 
however,  and  did  not  speak  a  word;  but  the 
next  day  she  went  to  Antigone,  the  wife  of 
Pyrrhus,  and  communicated  to  her  all  that  she 
had  heard.  Pyrrhus  now  considered  the  evi- 
dence that  Neoptolemus  was  plotting  his  de- 
struction as  complete,  and  he  determined  to 
take  decisive  measures  to  prevent  it.  He  ac- 
cordingly invited  Neoptolemus  to  a  banquet. 
Neoptolemus,  suspecting  nothing,  came,  and 
Pyrrhus  slew  him  at  the  table.  Henceforward 
Pyrrhus  reigned  in  Epirus  alone. 

Pyrrhus  was  now  about  twenty-three  years 
of  age,  and  inasmuch  as,  with  all  his  modera- 
tion in  respect  to  the  pursuit  of  youthful  pleas- 
ures, he  was  of  a  very  ambitious  and  aspiring 
disposition,  he  began  to  form  schemes  and  plans 


B.C.a95.j    WARS  IN  MACEDON.  91 

Quarrel  between  Cassander's  heirs. 

for  the  enlargement  of  his  power.  An  opportu- 
nity was  soon  afforded  him  to  enter  upon  a  mil- 
itary career.  Cassander,  who  had  made  him- 
self King  of  Macedon  in  the  manner  already  de- 
scribed, died  about  the  time  that  Pyrrhus  estab- 
lished himself  on  his  throne  in  Epirus.  He  left 
two  sons,  Alexander  and  Antipater.  These 
brothers  immediately  quarreled,  each  claiming 
the  inheritance  of  their  father's  crown.  Anti- 
pater  proved  to  be  the  strongest  in  the  struggle ; 
and  Alexander,  finding  that  he  could  not  stand 
his  ground  against  his  brother  without  aid,  sent 
messengers  at  the  same  time  to  Pyrrhus,  and 
also  to  Demetrius,  in  Thessaly,  calling  upon 
both  to  come  to  his  assistance.  They  both  de- 
termined to  do  so.  Demetrius,  however,  was 
engaged  in  some  enterprises  which  detained 
him  for  a  time,  but  Pyrrhus  immediately  put 
himself  at  the  head  of  his  army,  and  prepared 
to  cross  the  frontier. 

The  commencement  of  this  march  marks  an 
important  era  in  the  life  of  Pyrrhus,  for  it  was 
now  for  the  first  time  that  he  had  an  army 
wholly  under  his  command.  In  all  the  former 
military  operations  in  which  he  had  been  en- 
gaged, he  had  been  only  a  general,  acting  under 
the  orders  of  his  superiors.  Now  he  was  an 


92  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  295. 

Pyrrlius  takes  his  first  independent  command. 

independent  sovereign,  leading  forth  his  own 
troops  to  battle,  and  responsible  to  no  one  for 
the  manner  in  which  he  exercised  his  power. 
The  character  which  he  displayed  in  this  new 
capacity  was  such  as  very  soon  to  awaken  the 
admiration  of  all  his  troops,  and  to  win  their  af- 
fection in  a  very  strong  degree.  His  fine  per- 
sonal appearance,  his  great  strength  and  dex- 
terity in  all  martial  exercises,  his  kind  consider- 
ation for  his  soldiers,  the  systematic  and  skillful 
manner  in  which  all  his  arrangements  were 
made,  and  a  certain  nobleness  and  generosity 
of  character  which  he  displayed  on  many  occa- 
sions, all  combined  to  make  him  an  object  of 
universal  favor  and  regard. 

Various  anecdotes  were  related  of  him  in 
camp,  which  evinced  the  superiority  of  his 
mind,  and  that  peculiar  sense  of  confidence  and 
strength  which  so  often  accompanies  greatness. 
At  one  time  a  person  was  accused  of  being  dis- 
affected toward  him,  and  of  being  in  the  habit 
of  speaking  evil  of  him  on  all  occasions ;  and 
some  of  his  counselors  proposed  that  the  offend- 
er should  be  banished.  "  No,"  said  Pyrrhus ; 
"  let  him  stay  here,  and  speak  evil  of  me  only 
to  a  few,  instead  of  being  sent  away  to  ramble 
about  and  give  me  a  bad  character  to  all  the 


B.C. 295.]    WARSINMACEDON.  93 

Anecdotes  of  Pyrrhus.  His  popularity. 

world."  At  another  time,  some  persons,  when 
half  intoxicated,  at  a  convivial  entertainment, 
had  talked  very  freely  in  censure  of  something 
which  Pyrrhus  had  done.  They  were  called  to 
account  for  it;  and  when  asked  hy  Pyrrhus 
whether  it  was  true  that  they  had  really  said 
such  things,  they  replied  that  it  was  true. 
"  And  there  is  no  doubt,"  they  added,  "  that  we 
should  have  said  things  a  great  deal  worse  if 
we  had  had  more  wine."  Pyrrhus  laughed  at 
this  reply,  and  dismissed  the  culprits  without 
any  punishment.  These,  and  other  similar  in- 
dications of  the  magnanimity  which  marked 
the  general's  character,  made  a  great  and  very 
favorable  impression  upon  the  minds  of  all  un- 
der his  command. 

Possessing  thus,  in  a  very  high  degree,  the 
confidence  and  affection  of  his  troops,  Pyrrhus 
was  able  to  inspire  them  with  his  own  ardor 
and  impetuosity  when  they  came  to  engage  in 
battle,  and  his  troops  were  victorious  hi  almost 
every  conflict.  Wherever  he  went,  he  reduced 
the  country  into  subjection  to  Alexander,  and 
drove  Antipater  before  him.  He  left  garrisons 
of  his  own  in  the  towns  which  he  captured,  so 
as  to  make  his  conquests  secure,  and  in  a  short 
time  the  prospect  seemed  certain  that  Antipater 


94  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  294. 

Pyrrhus  detects  a  forgery.  Plan  of  the  forgers. 

would  be  expelled  from  the  country,  and  Alex- 
ander placed  upon  the  throne. 

In  this  crisis  of  their  affairs,  some  of  the  allies 
of  Antipater  conceived  the  design  of  circum- 
venting their  enemy  by  artifice,  since  it  appear- 
ed that  he  was  so  superior  to  them  in  force. 
They  knew  how  strong  was  his  feeling  of  rev- 
erence and  regard  for  Ptolemy,  the  King  of 
Egypt,  his  father-in-law,  and  they  accordingly 
forged  a  letter  to  him  in  Ptolemy's  name,  en- 
joining him  to  make  peace  with  Antipater,  and 
withdraw  from  Macedon.  Antipater,  the  letter 
said,  was  willing  to  pay  him  three  hundred  tal- 
ents of  silver  in  consideration  of  his  doing  so, 
and  the  letter  strongly  urged  him  to  accede  to 
this  offer,  and  evacuate  the  kingdom. 

It  was  much  less  difficult  to  practice  a  suc- 
cessful deception  of  this  kind  in  ancient  days 
than  it  is  now,  for  then  writing  was  usually 
performed  by  scribes  trained  for  the  purpose, 
and  there  was  therefore  seldom  any  thing  in 
the  handwriting  of  a  communication  to  determ- 
ine the  question  of  its  authenticity.  Pyrrhus, 
however,  detected  the  imposition  which  was  at- 
tempted in  this  case  the  moment  that  he  opened 
the  epistle.  It  began  with  the  words,  "  King 
Ptolemy  to  King  Pyrrhus,  greeting ;"  whereas 


B.C.294.]    WARS  IN  MACEDON.  95 

The  war  is  ended.  Pyrrhus  returns  home. 

the  genuine  letters  of  Ptolemy  to  his  son-in-law 
were  always  commenced  thus  :  "  The  father  to 
his  son,  greeting." 

Pyrrhus  upbraided  the  contrivers  of  this  fraud 
in  jsevere  terms  for  their  attempt  to  deceive 
him.  Still,  he  entertained  the  proposition  that 
they  made,  and  some  negotiations  were  entered 
into,  with  a  view  to  an  amicable  settlement  of 
the  dispute.  In  the  end,  however,  the  negotia- 
tions failed,  and  the  war  was  continued  until 
Alexander  was  established  on  his  throne.  Pyr- 
rhus then  returned  to  his  own  kingdom.  He 
received,  in  reward  for  his  services  in  behalf  of 
Alexander,  a  grant  of  that  part  of  the  Macedo- 
nian territory  which  lies  upon  the  coast  of  the 
Adriatic  Sea,  north  of  Epirus ;  and  thus  peace 
was  restored,  and  all  things  seemed  permanent- 
ly settled. 

It  will  be  recollected,  perhaps,  by  the  reader, 
that  at  the  time  that  Alexander  sent  for  Pyr- 
rhus to  assist  him,  he  had  also  sent  for  Deme- 
trius, who  had  been  in  former  years  the  ally 
and  friend  of  Pyrrhus.  In  fact,  Deidamia,  the 
sister  of  Pyrrhus,  was  Demetrius's  wife.  De- 
metrius had  been  engaged  with  the  affairs  of 
his  own  government  at  the  time  that  he  receiv- 
ed this  message,  and  was  not  then  ready  to 


96  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  294. 

Interview  with  Demetrius  on  the  frontier. 


grant  the  desired  aid.  But  after  a  time,  when 
he  had  settled  his  own  affairs,  he  placed  him- 
self at  the  head  of  an  army  and  went  to  Mace- 
don.  It  was  now,  however,  too  late,  and  Alex- 
ander was  sorry  to  learn  that  he  was  coming. 
He  had  already  parted  with  a  considerable  por- 
tion of  his  kingdom  to  repay  Pyrrhus  for  his 
aid,  and  he  feared  that  Demetrius,  if  he  were 
allowed  to  enter  the  kingdom,  would  not  be 
satisfied  without  a  good  part  of  the  remainder. 
He  accordingly  advanced  to  meet  Demetrius 
at  the  frontier.  Here,  at  an  interview  which 
he  held  with  him,  he  thanked  him  for  his  kind- 
ness in  coming  to  his  aid,  but  said  that  his  as- 
sistance would  now  not  be  required.  Deme- 
trius said  that  it  was  very  well,  and  so  pre- 
pared to  return.  Alexander,  however,  as  De- 
metrius afterward  alleged,  did  not  intend  to  al- 
low him  to  withdraw,  but  formed  a  plan  to  mur- 
der him  at  a  supper  to  which  he  designed  to  in- 
vite him.  Demetrius  avoided  the  fate  which 
was  intended  for  him  by  going  away  unexpect- 
edly from  the  supper  before  Alexander  had  time 
to  execute  his  plan.  Afterward,  Demetrius  in- 
vited Alexander  to  a  supper.  Alexander  came 
unarmed  and  unprotected,  in  order  to  set  his 
guest  an  example  of  unconcern,  in  hopes  that 


B.C.294.J    WARS  IN  MACEDON.  97 

Plots  and  counterplots.  t  Demetrius  triumphs. 

Demetrius  would  come  equally  defenseless  to  a 
second  entertainment  which  he  had  prepared  for 
him  the  next  day,  and  at  which  he  intended  to 
adopt  such  measures  that  his  guest  should  not 
be  able  by  any  possibility  to  escape.  Deme- 
trius, however,  did  not  wait  for  the  second  at- 
tempt, but  ordered  his  servants  to  kill  Alexan- 
der, and  all  who  were  with  him,  while  they 
were  at  his  table.  One  of  Alexander's  men, 
when  the  attack  was  made  upon  them,  said,  as 
the  soldiers  of  Demetrius  were  stabbing  him, 
"  You  are  too  quick  for  us  by  just  one  day." 

The  Macedonian  troops,  whom  Alexander  had 
brought  with  him  to  the  frontier,  when  they 
heard  of  the  murder  of  their  king,  expected  that 
Demetrius  would  come  upon  them  at  once,  with 
all  his  army,  and  cut  them  to  pieces.  But,  in- 
stead of  this,  Demetrius  sent  them  word  that 
he  did  not  intend  them  any  harm,  but  wished, 
on  the  contrary,  for  an  opportunity  to  explain 
and  justify  to  them  what  he  had  done.  He  ac- 
cordingly met  them,  and  made  a  set  harangue, 
in  which  he  related  the  circumstances  which  led 
him  to  take  the  life  of  Alexander,  and  justified 
it  as  an  act  of  self-defense.  This  discourse  was 
received  with  great  applause,  and  the  Macedoni- 
an soldiers  immediately  hailed  Demetrius  king. 
22—7 


98  PYRRIIUS.  [B.C.  294. 

Relations  between  Demetrius  and  Pyrrhus. 

How  far  there  was  any  truth  in  the  charge 
which  Demetrius  brought  against  Alexander  of 
intending  to  kill  him,  it  is,  of  course,  impossible 
to  say.  There  was  no  evidence  of  the  fact,  nor 
could  there  be  any  evidence  but  such  as  Deme- 
trius might  easily  fabricate.  It  is  the  universal 
justification  that  is  offered  in  every  age  by  the 
perpetrators  of  political  crimes,  that  they  were 
compelled  to  perform  themselves  the  deeds  of 
violence  and  cruelty  for  which  they  are  con- 
demned, in  order  to  anticipate  and  preclude  the 
performance  of  similar  deeds  on  the  part  of  their 
enemies. 

Demetrius  and  Pyrrhus  were  now  neighbor- 
ing kings,  and,  from  the  friendly  relations  which 
had  subsisted  between  them  for  so  many  years, 
it  might,  perhaps,  be  supposed  that  the  two 
kingdoms  which  they  respectively  ruled  would 
enjoy,  from  this  time,  a  permanent  and  settled 
peace,  and  maintain  the  most  amicable  inter- 
course with  each  other.  But  the  reverse  was 
the  fact.  Contentions  and  quarrels  arose  on  the 
frontiers.  Each  nation  complained  that  the 
borderers  of  the  other  made  inroads  over  the 
frontier.  Demetrius  and  Pyrrhus  gradually  got 
drawn  into  these  disputes.  Unfortunately  for 
the  peace  of  the  two  countries,  Deidamia  died. 


B.C.291.]    WARS  IN  MACEDON.  99 


War  breaks  out  between  them. 


and  the  strong  band  of  union  which  she  had 
formed  between  the  two  reigning  families  was 
sundered.  In  a  word,  it  was  not  long  before 
Pyrrhus  and  Demetrius  came  to  open  war. 

The  war,  however,  which  thus  broke  out 
between  Demetrius  and  Pyrrhus  did  not  arise 
wholly  from  accidental  collisions  occurring  on 
the  frontiers.  Demetrius  was  a  man  of  the 
most  violent  and  insatiable  ambition,  and  wholly 
unscrupulous  in  respect  to  the  means  of  gratify- 
ing the  passion.  Before  his  difficulties  with 
Pyrrhus  began,  he  had  made  expeditions  south- 
wardly into  Greece,  and  had  finally  succeeded 
in  reducing  a  large  portion  of  that  country  to 
his  sway.  He,  however,  at  one  time,  in  the 
course  of  his  campaigns  in  Greece,  narrowly 
escaped  a  very  sudden  termination  of  his  career 
He  was  besieging  Thebes,  one  of  the  principa. 
cities  of  Greece,  and  one  which  was  obstinately 
determined  not  to  submit  to  him.  In  fact,  the 
inhabitants  of  the  city  had  given  him  some 
special  cause  of  offense,  so  that  he  was  excess- 
ively angry  with  them,  and  though  for  a  long 
time  he  made  very  little  progress  in  prosecuting 
the  siege,  he  was  determined  not  to  give  up  the 
attempt.  At  one  period,  he  was  himself  called 
away  from  the  place  for  a  time,  to  engage  in 


100  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  291. 

Recklessness  and  cruelty  of  Demetrius. 

some  military  duty  demanding  his  attention  in 
Thessaly,  and  during  his  absence  he  left  his  sop 
to  conduct  the  siege.  On  his  return  to  Thebes, 
he  found  that,  through  the  energetic  and  obsti-. 
nate  resistance  which  was  made  by  the  people 
of  Thebes,  great  numbers  of  his  men  were  con- 
tinually falling — so  much  so,  that  his  son  began 
to  remonstrate  with  him  against  allowing  so 
great  and  so  useless  a  slaughter  to  go  on.  "  Con- 
sider," said  he,  "  why  you  should  expose  so 
many  of  your  valiant  soldiers  to  such  sure  de- 
struction, when — " 

Here  Demetrius,  in  a  passion,  interrupted 
him,  saying,  "  Give  yourself  no  concern  about 
how  many  of  the  soldiers  are  killed.  The  more 
there  are  killed,  the  fewer  you  will  have  to  pro- 
vide subsistence  for !" 

The  brutal  recklessness,  however,  which  De- 
metrius thus  evinced  in  respect  to  the  slaughter 
of  his  troops  was  not  attended,  as  such  a  feeling 
often  is,  with  any  cowardly  unwillingness  to 
expose  himself  to  danger.  He  mingled  person- 
ally in  the  contests  that  took  place  about  the 
walls  of  the  city,  and  hazarded  his  own  life  as 
freely  as  he  required  his  soldiers  to  hazard  theirs. 
At  length,  on  one  occasion,  a  javelin  thrown 
from  the  wall  struck  him  in  the  neck,  and,  pass- 


B.C.290.]    WARS    IN    MACEDON.  101 

War  between  Pyrrhus  and  Demetrius. 

ing  directly  through,  felled  him  to  the  ground. 
He  was  taken  up  for  dead,  and  borne  to  his  tent. 
It  was  there  found,  on  examination,  that  no< 
great  artery  or  other  vital  part  had  been  wound- 
ed, and  yet  in  a  very  short  time  a  burning  fever 
supervened,  and  for  some  time  the  life  of  De- 
metrius was  in  imminent  danger.  He  still, 
however,  refused  to  abandon  the  siege.  At 
length,  he  recovered  from  the  effects  of  his 
wound,  and,  hi  the  end,  the  city  surrendered. 

It  was  on  the  return  of  Demetrius  to  Mace- 
don,  after  the  close  of  his  successful  campaign 
in  Greece,  that  the  war  between  him  and  Pyr- 
rhus broke  out.  As  soon  as  it  appeared  that 
actual  hostilities  were  inevitable,  both  parties 
collected  an  army  and  prepared  for  the  conflict. 

They  marched  to  meet  each  other,  Pyrrhus 
from  Epirus,  and  Demetrius  from  Macedon.  It 
happened,  however,  that  they  took  different 
routes,  and  thus  passed  each  other  on  the  front- 
ier. Demetrius  entered  Epirus,  and  found  the 
whole  country  open  and  defenseless  before  him, 
for  the  military  force  of  the  country  was  all  with 
Pyrrhus,  and  had  passed  into  Macedon  by  anoth- 
er way.  Demetrius  advanced  accordingly,  as  far 
as  he  chose,  into  Pyrrhus's  territories,  capturing 
and  plundering  every  thing  that  came  in  his  way. 


102  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  289. 

Pantauchus.  The  single  combat  Pyrrhus  wounded 

Pyrrhus  himself,  on  the  other  hand,  met  with 
quite  a  different  reception.  Demetrius  had  not 
taken  all  his  army  with  him,  but  had  left  a 
large  detachment  under  the  command  of  a  gen- 
eral named  Pantauchus,  to  defend  the  country 
during  his  absence.  Pyrrhus  encountered  Pan- 
tauchus as  he  entered  Macedon,  and  gave  him 
battle.  A  very  hard-fought  and  obstinate  con- 
flict ensued.  In  the  course  of  it,  Pantauchus 
challenged  Pyrrhus  to  single  combat.  He  was 
cne  of  the  most  distinguished  of  Demetrius's 
generals,  being  celebrated  above  all  the  officers 
cf  the  army  for  his  dexterity,  strength,  and  cour- 
age ;  and,  as  he  was  a  man  of  very  high  and 
ambitious  spirit,  he  was  greatly  pleased  with 
the  opportunity  of  distinguishing  himself  that 
was  now  before  him.  He  conceived  that  a  per- 
sonal rencounter  with  so  great  a  commander  as 
Pyrrhus  would  add  very  much  to  his  renown. 

Pyrrhus  accepted  the  challenge.  The  pre- 
liminary arrangements  were  made.  The  com- 
batants came  out  into  the  field,  and,  as  they  ad- 
vanced to  the  encounter,  they  hurled  their  jave- 
lins at  each  other  before  they  met,  and  then 
rushed  forward  to  a  close  and  mortal  combat 
with  swords.  The  fight  continued  for  a  long 
time.  Pyrrhus  himself  received  a  wound ;  but, 


B.C.289.]    WARS  IN  MACEDON.  103 

Pantauohus  narrowly  escapes  death. 

notwithstanding  this,  he  succeeded  in  bringing 
his  antagonist  to  the  ground,  and  would  have 
killed  him,  had  not  the  friends  of  Pantauchus 
rushed  on  and  rescued  him  from  the  danger. 
A  general  battle  between  the  two  armies  en- 
sued, in  which  Pyrrhus  was  victorious.  The 
army  of  Pantauchus  was  totally  routed,  and  five 
thousand  men  were  taken  prisoners. 

The  Macedonian  troops  whom  Pyrrhus  thus 
defeated,  instead  of  being  maddened  with  re- 
sentment and  anger  against  their  conqueror,  as 
it  might  have  been  expected  they  would  be, 
were  struck  with  a  sentiment  of  admiration  for 
him.  They  applauded  his  noble  appearance 
and  bearing  on  the  field,  and  the  feats  of  cour- 
age and  strength  which  he  performed.  There 
was  a  certain  Astern  and  lofty  simplicity  in  his 
air  and  demeanor  which  reminded  them,  as  they 
said,  of  Alexander  the  Great,  whom  many  of 
the  old  soldiers  remembered.  They  compared 
Pyrrhus  in  these  respects  with  Demetrius,  their 
own  sovereign,  greatly  to  the  disadvantage  of 
the  latter ;  and  so  strong  was  the  feeling  which 
was  thus  excited  in  Pyrrhus's  favor,  that  it  was 
thought  at  the  time  that,  if  Pyrrhus  had  ad- 
vanced toward  the  capital  with  a  view  to  the 
conquest  of  the  country,  the  whole  army  would 


101  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  289. 

.Demetrius  is  hated  by  his  subjects. 

have  gone  over  at  once  to  his  side,  and  that  he 
might  have  made  himself  king  of  Macedon 
without  any  further  difficulty  or  trouble.  He 
did  not  do  this,  however,  but  withdrew  again 
to  Epirus  when  Demetrius  came  back  into  Ma- 
cedonia. The  Macedonians  were  by  no  means 
pleased  to  see  Demetrius  return. 

In  fact,  Demetrius  was  beginning  to  be  gen- 
erally hated  by  all  his  subjects,  being  regarded 
by  them  all  as  a  conceited  and  cruel  tyrant. 
He  was  not  only  unscrupulously  ambitious  in 
respect  to  the  dominions  of  his  neighbors,  but 
he  was  unjust  and  overbearing  in  his  treatment 
of  his  own  friends.  Pyrrhus,  on  the  other  hand, 
was  kind  and  courteous  to  his  army,  both  to  the 
officers  and  soldiers.  He  lived  in  habits  of  great 
simplicity,  and  shared  the  hardships  as  well  as 
the  toils  of  those  who  were  under  his  command. 
He  gave  them,  too,  .their  share  of  the  glory  which 
he  acquired,  by  attributing  his  success  to  their 
courage  and  fidelity.  At  one  time,  after  some 
brilliant  campaign  in  Macedon,  some  persons  in 
his  army  compared  his  progress  to  the  flight  of 
an  eagle.  "  If  I  am  an  eagle,"  said  he  in  reply, 
"  I  owe  it  to  you,  for  you  are  the  wings  by 
means  of  which  I  have  risen  so  high." 

Demetrius,  on  the  other  hand,  treated  the 


B.C.288.J    WARS  IN  MACEDON.  105 

His  famous  garment.  It  is  left  unfinished 

officers  and  men  under  his  command  with  a 
species  of  haughtiness  and  disdain.  He  seem- 
ed to  regard  them  as  very  far  beneath  him,  and 
to  take  pleasure  in  making  them  feel  his  vast 
superiority.  He  was  vain  and  foppish  in  his 
dress,  expended  great  sums  in  the  adornment 
of  his  person,  decorating  his  robes  and  vest- 
ments, and  even  his  shoes,  with  gold  and  pre- 
cious stones.  In  fact,  he  caused  the^  manufac- 
ture of  a  gatment  to  be  commenced  which  he 
intended  should  outvie  in  magnificence  and  hi 
costly  adornments  all  that  had  ever  before  been 
fabricated.  This  garment  was  left  unfinished 
at  the  time  of  his  death,  and  his  successors  did 
not  attempt  to  oomplete  it.  They  preserved  it, 
however,  for  a  very  long  time  as  a  curiosity, 
and  as  a  memorial  of  vanity  and  folly. 

Demetrius,  too,  was  addicted  to  many  vices, 
being  accustomed  to  the  unrestrained  indul- 
gence of  his  appetites  and  propensities  in  every 
form.  It  was  in  part  owing  to  these  excesses 
that  he  became  so  hateful  in  manners  and  char- 
acter, the  habitual  indulgence  of  his  animal  ap- 
petites and  propensities  having  had  the  effect  of 
making  him  morose  and  capricious  in  mind. 

The  hostility  between  Pyrrhus  and  Deme- 
trius was  very  much  increased  and  aggravated 


106  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  288. 

Pyrrhus's  wives.  His  motive  for  marrying  Lanassa. 

at  one  time  by  a  difficulty  in  which  a  lady  was 
concerned.  Antigone,  the  first  wife  of  Pyrrhus, 
died,  and  after  her  death  Pyrrhus  married  two 
or  three  other  wives,  according  to  the  custom 
which  prevailed  in  those  days  among  the  Asi- 
atic kings.  Among  these  wives  was  Lanassa, 
the  daughter  of  Agathocles,  the  king  of  Syra- 
cuse. The  marriage  of  Pyrrhus  with  Antigone 
was  apparently  prompted  by  affection ;  but  his 
subsequent  alliances  seem  to  have  been  sim- 
ple measures  of  governmental  policy,  designed 
only  to  aid  him  in  extending  his  dominions  or 
strengthening  his  power.  His  inducement  for 
marrying  Lanassa  was  to  obtain  the  island  oi 
Corcyra,  which  the  King  of  Syracuse,  who  held 
that  island  at  that  time  under  his  dominion, 
was  willing  to  give  to  his  daughter  as  her  dow- 
ry. Now  the  island  of  Corcyra,  as  will  be  seen 
from  the  map,  was  off  the  coast  of  Epirus,  and 
very  near,  so  that  the  possession  of  it  would 
add  very  considerably  to  the  value  of  Pyrrhus's 
dominion. 

Lanassa  was  not  happy  as  Pyrrhus's  bride. 
In  fact,  to  have  been  married  for  the  sake  of  an 
island  brought  as  dowry,  and  to  be  only  one  of 
several  wives  after  all,  would  not  seem  to  bvr 
circumstances  particularly  encouraging  in  re< 


B.C. 288.]    WARS  IN  MACEDON.  107 

Lanassa  is  discontented,  and  deserts  Pyrrhus. 

spect  to  the  promise  of  conjugal  bliss.  Lanassa 
complained  that  she  was  neglected ;  that  the 
other  wives  received  attentions  which  were  not 
accorded  to  her.  At  last,  when  she  found  that 
she  could  endure  the  vexations  and  trials  of  her 
condition  no  longer,  she  left  her  husband  and 
went  back  to  Corcyra,  and  then  sent  an  invita- 
tion to  Demetrius  to  come  and  take  possession 
of  the  island,  and  marry  her.  In  a  word,  she 
divorced  herself  and  resumed  possession  of  her 
dowry,  and  considered  herself  at  liberty  to  dis- 
pose of  both  her  person  and  her  property  anew. 

Demetrius  accepted  the  offer  which  was  made 
him.  He  went  to  Corcyra,  married  Lanassa, 
and  then,  leaving  a  garrison  to  protect  the  isl- 
and from  any  attempt  which  Pyrrhus  might 
make  to  recover  it,  he  went  back  to  Macedon. 
Of  course,  after  this  transaction,  Pyrrhus  was 
more  incensed  against  Demetrius  than  ever. 

Very  soon  after  this  Pyrrhus  had  an  opportu- 
nity to  revenge  himself  for  the  injury  which  De- 
metrius had  done  him.  Demetrius  was  sick ; 
he  had  brought  on  a  fever  by  excessive  drink- 
ing. Pyrrhus  determined  to  take  advantage  of 
the  occasion  to  make  a  new  invasion  of  Mace- 
donia. He  accordingly  crossed  the  frontier  at 
the  head  of  a  numerous  army.  Demetrius,  sick 


108  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  288- 

War  protracted  for  many  years. 

as  he  was,  mounted  on  horseback,  and  put 
himself  at  the  head  of  his  forces  to  go  out  to 
meet  his  enemy.  Nothing  important  resulted 
from  this  campaign ;  but,  after  some  ineffectual 
attempts  at  conquest,  Pyrrhus  returned  to  his 
own  country. 

In  this  way  the  war  between  Pyrrhus  and 
Demetrius  was  protracted  for  many  years,  with 
varying  success,  one  party  being  sometimes  tri- 
umphant, and  sometimes  the  other.  At  last, 
at  a  time  when  the  tide  of  fortune  seemed  in- 
clined to  turn  against  Pyrrhus,  some  circum- 
stances occurred  which  were  the  means  of  at- 
tracting his  attention  strongly  in  another  direc- 
tion, and  ended  in  introducing  him  to  a  new 
and  very  brilliant  career  in  an  altogether  differ- 
ent region.  These  circumstances,  and  the  train 
of  events  to  which  they  led,  will  form  the  sub- 
ject of  the  following  chapter. 


B.C. 280.]        WAR    IN    ITALY.  Ill 


The  grand  expedition  into  Italy. 


CHAPTER   V. 
WAR    IN    ITALY. 

grand  undertaking  in  which  Pyrrhus 
-•-  now  engaged,  as  indicated  in  the  last  chap- 
ter, the  one  in  which  he  acquired  such  great 
renown,  was  an  expedition  into  Italy  against 
the  Romans.  The  immediate  occasion  of  his 
embarking  in  this  enterprise  was  an  invitation 
which  he  received  from  the  inhabitants  of  Ta- 
rentum  to  come  to  their  aid.*  His  predecessor, 
Alexander,  had  been  drawn  into  Italy  precisely 
in  the  same  way ;  and  we  might  have  supposed 
that  Pyrrhus  would  have  been  warned  by  the 
terrible  fate  which  Alexander  met  with  not  to 
follow  in  his  steps.  But  military  men  are  nev- 
er deterred  from  dangerous  undertakings  by  the 
disasters  which  others  have  encountered  in  at- 
tempting them  before.  In  fact,  perhaps  Pyrrhus 
was  the  more  eager  to  try  his  fortune  in  this 
field  on  account  of  the  calamitous  result  of  his 
uncle's  campaign.  He  was  unwilling  that  his 
kingdom  of  Epirus  should  rest  under  the  dis- 

*  See  map. 


112  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  280. 

The  dominion  of  the  Romans.  The  Tarentines. 

credit  of  a  defeat,  and  he  was  fired  with  a  spe- 
cial ambition  to  show  that  he  could  overcome 
and  triumph  where  others  had  been  overborne 
and  destroyed. 

The  dominion  of  the  Romans  had  extended 
itself  before  this  time  over  a  considerable  por- 
tion of  Italy,  though  Tarentum,  and  the  region 
of  country  dependent  upon  it,  had  not  yet  been 
subdued.  The  Romans  were,  however,  now 
gradually  making  their  way  toward  the  eastern 
and  southern  part  of  Italy,  and  they  had  at 
length  advanced  to  the  frontiers  of  the  Tarentine 
territory ;  and  having  been  met  and  resisted 
there  by  the  Tarentine  troops,  a  collision  ensued, 
which  was  followed  by  an  open  and  general  war. 
In  the  struggle,  the  Tarentines  found  that  they 
could  not  maintain  their  ground  against  the 
Roman  soldiery.  They  were  gradually  driven 
back  ;  and  now  the  city  itself  was  in  very  im- 
minent danger. 

The  difficulties  in  which  the  Tarentines  were 
placed  were  greatly  increased  by  the  fact  that 
there  was  no  well-organized  and  stable  govern- 
ment ruling  in  the  city.  The  government  was 
a  sort  of  democracy  in  its  form,  and  in  its  ac- 
tion it  seems  to  have  been  a  democracy  of  a 
very  turbulent  character — the  questions  of  pub- 


B.C.280.]        WAR    IN    ITALY.  113 

Various  parties  formed  at  Tarentum. 

lie  policy  being  debated  and  decided  in  assem- 
blies of  the  people,  where  it  would  seem  that 
there  was  very  little  of  parliamentary  law  to 
regulate  the  proceedings  ;  and  now  the  dangers 
which  threatened  them  on  the  approach  of  the 
Romans  distracted  their  councils  more  than 
ever,  and  produced,  in  fact,  universal  disorder 
and  confusion  throughout  the  city. 

Various  parties  were  formed,  each  of  which 
had  its  own  set  of  measures  to  urge  and  insist 
upon.  Some  were  for  submitting  to  the  Ro- 
mans, and  thus  allowing  themselves  to  be  incor- 
porated in  the  Roman  commonwealth ;  others 
were  for  persevering  in  their  resistance  to  the 
last  extremity.  In  the  midst  of  these  disputes, 
it  was  suggested  by  some  of  the  counselors  that 
the  reason  why  they  had  not  been  able  to  main- 
tain their  ground  against  their  enemies  was, 
that  they  had  no  commander  of  sufficient  pre- 
dominance in  rank  and  authority  to  concentrate 
their  forces,  and  employ  them  in  an  efficient  and 
advantageous  manner ;  and  they  proposed  that, 
in  order  to  supply  this  very  essential  deficiency, 
Pyrrhus  should  be  invited  to  come  and  take  the 
command  of  their  forces.  This  plan  was  strong- 
ly opposed  by  the  more  considerate  and  far-sight- 
ed of  the  people ;  for  they  well  knew  that  whe& 
22—8 


114  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  280. 

Boisterous  meetings.  Melon's  artifice. 

a  foreign  power  was  called  in,  in  such  a  manner, 
as  a  temporary  friend  and  ally,  it  almost  always 
became,  in  the  end,  a  permanent  master.  The 
mass  of  the  people  of  the  city,  however,  were  so 
excited  by  the  imminence  of  the  immediate 
peril,  that  it  was  impossible  to  impress  them 
with  any  concern  for  so  remote  and  uncertain 
a  danger,  and  it  was  determined  that  Pyrrhus 
should  be  called. 

It  was  said  that  the  meetings  which  were 
held  by  the  Tarentines  while  these  proceedings 
were  in  progress,  were  so  boisterous  and  disor- 
derly that,  as  often  happens  in  democratic  as- 
semblies, the  voices  of  those  who  were  in  the 
minority  could  not  be  heard;  and  that  at  last 
one  of  the  public  men,  who  was  opposed  to  the 
plan  of  sending  the  invitation  to  Pyrrhus,  resort- 
ed to  a  singular  device  in  order  to  express  his 
opinion.  The  name  of  this  personage  was  Me- 
ton.  The  artifice  which  he  adopted  was  this : 
he  disguised  himself  as  a  strolling  mountebank 
and  musician,  and  then,  pretending  to  be  half 
intoxicated,  he  came  into  the  assembly  with  a 
garland  upon  his  head,  a  torch  in  his  hand,  and 
with  a  woman  playing  on  a  sort  of  flute  to  ac- 
company him.  On  seeing  him  enter  the  assem- 
bly, the  people  all  turned  their  attention  toward 


B.C. 280.]         WAR  IN  ITALY.  115 

Melon  succeeds  in  accomplishing  his  aim. 

him.  Some  laughed,  some  clapped  their  hands, 
and  others  called  out  to  him  to  give  them  a 
song.  Meton  prepared  to  do  so ;  and  when,  af- 
ter much  difficulty,  silence  was  at  length  ob- 
tained, Meton  came  forward  into  the  space  that 
had  been  made  for  him,  and,  throwing  off  his 
disguise,  he  called  out  aloud, 

"  Men  of  Tarentum  !  You  do  well  in  calling 
for  a  song,  and  in  enjoying  the  pleasures  of  mirth 
and  merriment  while  you  may ;  for  I  warn 
you  that  you  will  see  very  little  like  mirth  or 
merriment  in  Tarentum  after  Pyrrhus  comes." 

The  astonishment  which  this  sudden  turn  in 
the  affair  occasioned,  was  succeeded  for  a  me- 
ment  by  a  murmur  of  assent,  which  seemed  to 
pass  though  the  assembly ;  the  good  sense  of 
many  of  the  spectators  being  surprised,  as  it 
were,  into  an  admission  that  the  sentiment 
which  Meton  had  so  surreptitiously  found  means 
to  express  to  them  was  true.  This  pause  was, 
however,  but  momentary.  A  scene  of  violent 
excitement  and  confusion  ensued,  and  Meton 
and  the  woman  were  expelled  from  the  meet- 
ing without  any  ceremony. 

The  resolution  of  sending  for  Pyrrhus  was 
confirmed,  and  embassadors  were  soon  afterward 
dispatched  to  Epirus.  The  message  which  they 


116  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  280. 

Pyrrhus  is  invited  to  come  to  Tarentum. 

communicated  to  Pyrrhus  on  their  arrival  was, 
that  the  Tarentines,  being  engaged  in  a  war 
with  the  Romans,  invited  Pyrrhus  to' come  and 
take  command  of  their  armies.  They  had 
troops  enough,  they  said,  and  all  necessary  pro- 
visions and  munitions  of  war.  All  that  they 
now  required  was  an  able  and  efficient  general ; 
and  if  Pyrrhus  would  come  over  to  them  and 
assume  the  command,  they  would  at  once  put 
him  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  twenty  thousand 
horse  and  three  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  foot 
soldiers. 

It  seems  incredible  that  a  state  should  have 
attained  to  such  a  degree  of  prosperity  and  pow- 
er as  to  be  able  to  bring  such  a  force  as  this 
into  the  field,  while  under  the  government  of 
men  who,  when  convened  for  the  consideration 
of  questions  of  public  policy  in  a  most  moment- 
ous crisis,  were  capable  of  having  their  atten- 
tion drawn  off  entirely  from  the  business  before 
them  by  the  coming  in  of  a  party  of  strolling 
mountebanks  and  players.  Yet  such  is  the  ac- 
count recorded  by  one  of  the  greatest  historians 
of  ancient  times. 

Pyrrhus  was,  of  course,  very  much  elated  at 
receiving  this  communication.  The  tidings, 
too,  produced  great  excitement  among  all  the 


B.C.280.]         WAR  IN  ITALY.  117 


Great  numbers  of  volunteers. 


people  of  Epims.  Great  numbers  immediately 
began  to  offer  themselves  as  volunteers  to  ac- 
company the  expedition.  Pyrrhus  determined 
at  once  to  embark  in  the  enterprise,  and  he 
commenced  making  preparations  for  it  on  a  very 
magnificent  scale ;  for,  notwithstanding  the  as- 
surance which  the  Tarentines  had  given  him 
that  they  had  a  very  large  body  of  men  already 
assembled,  Pyrrhus  seems  to  have  thought  it 
best  to  take  with  him  a  force  of  his  own. 

As  soon  as  a  part  of  his  army  was  ready,  he 
sent  them  forward  under  the  command  of  a  dis- 
tinguished general  and  minister  of  state,  named 
Cineas.  Cineas  occupied  a  very  high  position 
in  Pyrrhus's  court.  He  was  a  Thessalian  by 
birth.  He  had  been  educated  in  Greece,  under 
Demosthenes,  and  he  was  a  very  accomplished 
scholar  and  orator  as  well  as  statesman.  Pyr- 
rhus had  employed  him  in  embassies  and  nego- 
tiations of  various  kinds  from  time  to  time,.and 
Cineas  had  always  discharged  these  trusts  in  a 
very  able  and  satisfactory  manner.  In  fact, 
Pyrrhus,  with  his  customary  courtesy  in  ac- 
knowledging his  obligations  to  those  whom  he 
employed,  used  to  say  that  Cineas  had  gained 
him  more  cities  by  his  address  than  he  had 
ever  conquered  for  himself  by  his  arms. 


118  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  280. 

Cineas  propounds  questions  to  Pyrrhus. 

Cineas,  it  was  said,  was,  in  the  outset,  not 
much  in  favor  of  this  expedition  into  Italy. 
The  point  of  view  in  which  he  regarded  such 
an  enterprise  was  shown  in  a  remarkable  con- 
versation which  he  held  with  Pyrrhus  while 
the  preparations  were  going  on.  He  took  occa- 
sion to  introduce  the  subject  one  day,  when 
Pyrrhus  was  for  a  short  period  at  leisure  in  the 
midst  of  his  work,  by  saying, 

"  The  Romans  are  famed  as  excellent  sol- 
diers, and  they  have  many  warlike  nations  in 
alliance  with  them.  But  suppose  we  succeed 
in  our  enterprise  and  conquer  them,  what  use 
shall  we  make  of  our  victory  ?" 

"Your  question  answers  itself,"  replied  the 
king.  "  The  Romans  are  the  predominant  pow- 
er in  Italy.  If  they  are  once  subdued,  there 
will  be  nothing  in  Italy  that  can  withstand  us ; 
we  can  go  on  immediately  and  make  ourselves 
masters  of  the  whole  country." 

After  a  short  pause,  during  which  he  seemed 
to  be  reflecting  on  the  career  of  victory  which 
Pyrrhus  was  thus  opening  to  view,  Cineas 
added, 

"And  after  we  have  conquered  Italy,  what 
shall  we  do  next  ?" 

""Why,  there  is   Sicily  very  near,"   replied 


B.C.  280.]         WAR  IN  ITALY.  119 

Pyrrhus  explains  his  designs  and  plans. 

Pyrrhus,  "  a  very  fruitful  and  populous  island, 
and  one  which  we  shall  then  very  easily  be 
able  to  subdue.  It  is  now  in  a  very  unsettled 
state,  and  could  do  nothing  effectual  to  resist 
us." 

"  I  think  that  is  very  true,"  said  Cineas ; 
"  and  after  we  make  ourselves  masters  of  Sicily, 
what  shall  we  do  then  ?" 

"  Then,"  replied  Pyrrhus,  "  we  can  cross  the 
Mediterranean  to  Lybia  and  Carthage.  The 
distance  is  not  very  great,  and  we  shall  be  able 
to  land  on  the  African  coast  at  the  head  of  such 
a  force  that  we  shall  easily  make  ourselves  mas- 
ters of  the  whole  country.  We  shall  then  have 
so  extended  and  established  our  power,  that  no 
enemy  can  be  found  in  any  quarter  who  will 
think  of  opposing  us." 

"That  is  very  true,"  said  Cineas;  "and  so 
you  will  then  be  able  to  put  down  effectually 
all  your  old  enemies  in  Thessaly,  Macedon,  and 
Greece,  and  make  yourself  master  of  all  those 
countries.  And  when  all  this  is  accomplished, 
what  shall  we  do  then  ?" 

"Why,  then,"  said  Pyrrhus,  "we  can  sit 
down  and  take  our  ease,  and  eat,  drink,  and  be 
merry." 

"And  why,"  rejoined  Cineas,  "can  not  we 


120  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  280. 

The  opinion  of  Cineas  on  the  subject. 

sit  down  and  take  our  ease,  and  enjoy  ourselves 
now,  instead  of  taking  all  this  trouble  before- 
hand? You  have  already  at  your  command 
every  possible  means  of  enjoyment ;  why  not 
make  yourself  happy  with  them  now,  instead 
of  entering  on  a  course  which  will  lead  to  such 
dreadful  toils  and  dangers,  such  innumerable 
calamities,  and  through  such  seas  of  blood,  and 
yet  bring  you  after  all,  at  the  end,  nothing  more 
than  you  have  at  the  beginning  ?" 

It  may,  perhaps,  be  a  matter  of  doubt  whether 
Cineas  intended  this  as  a  serious  remonstrance 
against  the  execution  of  Pyrrhus's  designs,  or 
only  as  an  ingenious  and  good-humored  satire 
-on  the  folly  of  ambition,  to  amuse  the  mind  of 
his  sovereign  in  some  momentary  interval  of 
leisure  that  came  in  the  midst  of  his  cares. 
However  it  may  have  been  intended,  it  made 
no  serious  impression  on  the  mind  of  Pyrrhus, 
and  produced  no  change  in  his  plans.  The 
•work  of  preparation  went  vigorously  on  ;  and 
as  soon  as  a  portion  of  the  troops  were  ready  to 
embark,  Cineas  was  put  in  command  of  them, 
and  they  crossed  the  Adriatic  Sea.  After  this, 
Pyrrhus  completed  the  organization  of  the  re- 
maining force.  It  consisted  of  twenty  elephants, 
three  thousand  horse,  and  twenty  thousand  foot, 


B.C.2SO.]         WAR  IN  ITALY.  121 

Pyrrhus  sets  sail.  His  fleet  and  army. 

with  two  thousand  archers,  and  twenty  thou- 
sand slingers.  When  all  was  ready,  Pyrrhus 
put  these  troops  on  board  a  large  fleet  of  gal- 
leys, transports,  and  flat-bottomed  boats,  which 
had  been  sent  over  to  him  from  Tarentum  by 
Cineas  for  the  purpose,  and  at  length  set  sail. 
He  left  Ptolemy,  his  eldest  son,  then  about  fif- 
teen years  old,  regent  of  the  kingdom,  and  took 
two  younger  sons,  Alexander  and  Helenas,  with 
him.  The  expedition  was  destined,  it  seems,  to 
begin  in  disaster;  for  no  sooner  had  Pyrrhus 
set  sail  than  a  terrible  storm  arose,  which,  for  a 
time,  threatened  the  total  destruction  of  the 
fleet,  and  of  all  who  were  on  board  of  it.  The 
ship  which  conveyed  Pyrrhus  himself  was, 
of  course,  larger  and  better  manned  than  the 
others,  and  it  succeeded  at  length,  a  little  after 
midnight,  in  reaching  the  Italian  shore,  while 
the  rest  of  the  fleet  were  driven  at  the  mercy 
of  the  winds,  and  dispersed  in  every  direction 
over  the  sea,  far  and  wide.  But,  though  Pyr- 
rhus's  ship  approached  the  shore,  the  violence  of 
the  winds  and  waves  was  so  great,  that  for  a 
long  time  it  was  impossible  for  those  on  board 
to  land.  At  length  the. wind  suddenly  changed 
its  direction,  and  began  to  blow  very  violently 
off  ths  shore,  so  that  there  seemed  to  be  great 


122  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  280. 

Pyrrhus  narrowly  escapes  death  by  shipwreck. 

probability  that  the  ship  would  be  driven  to  sea 
again.  In  fact,  so  imminent  was  the  danger, 
that  Pyrrhus  determined  to  throw  himself  into 
the  sea  and  attempt  to  swim  to  the  shore.  He 
accordingly  did  so,  and  was  immediately  fol- 
lowed by  his  attendants  and  guards,  who  leap- 
ed into  the  water  after  him,  and  did  every  thing 
in  their  power  to  assist  him  in  gaining  the  land. 
The  danger,  however,  was  extreme  ;  for  the 
darkness  of  the  night,  the  roaring  of  the  winds 
and  waves,  and  the  violence  with  which  the 
surf  regurgitated  from  the  shore,  rendered  the 
scene  terrific  beyond  description.  At  last,  how- 
ever, about  daybreak,  the  shipwrecked  company 
succeeded  in  gaining  the  land. 

Pyrrhus  was  almost  completely  exhausted  in 
body  by  the  fatigues  and  exposures  which  he 
had  endured,  but  he  appeared  to  be  by  no  means 
depressed  in  mind.  The  people  of  the  country 
flocked  down  to  the  coast  to  render  aid.  Sev- 
eral other  vessels  afterward  succeeded  in  reach- 
ing the  shore ;  and  as  the  wind  now  rapidly  sub- 
sided, the  men  on  board  of  them  found  compar- 
atively little  difficulty  in  effecting  a  landing. 
Pyrrhus  collected  the  remnant  thus  saved,  and 
marshaled  them  on  the  -shore.  He  found  that 
he  had  about  two  thousand  foot,  a  small  body 


B.C. 280.]        V/AR    IN   ITALY.  123 

He  establishes  himself  at  Tarentum.  His  energy. 

of  horse,  and  two  elephants.  "With  this  force 
he  immediately  set  out  on  his  march  to  Taren- 
tum. As  he  approached  the  city,  Cineas  came 
out  to  meet  him  at  the  head  of  the  forces  which 
had  been  placed  at  his  command,  and  which 
had  made  the  passage  in  safety. 

As  soon  as  Pyrrhus  found  himself  established 
in  Tarentum,  he  immediately  assumed  the  com- 
mand of  every  thing  there,  as  if  he  were  al- 
ready the  acknowledged  sovereign  of  the  city. 
In  fact,  he  found  the  city  in  so  disorganized  and 
defenseless  a  condition,  that  this  assumption  of 
power  on  his  part  seemed  to  be  justified  by  the 
necessity  of  the  case.  The  inhabitants,  as  is 
often  the  fact  with  men  when  their  affairs  are 
in  an  extreme  and  desperate  condition,  had  be- 
come reckless.  Every  where  throughout  the 
city  disorder  and  idleness  reigned  supreme.  The 
men  spent  their  time  in  strolling  about  from 
place  to  place,  or  sitting  idly  at  home,  or  gath- 
ering in  crowds  at  places  of  public  diversion. 
They  had  abandoned  all  care  or  concern  about 
public  affairs,  trusting  to  Pyrrhus  to  save  them 
from  the  impending  danger.  Pyrrhus  perceived, 
accordingly,  that  an  entire  revolution  in  the  in- 
ternal condition  of  the  city  was  indispensably 
required,  and  he  immediately  took  most  effi- 


124  PYRRHTJS.  [B.C.  280. 

Pyrrhus  adopts  very  decisive  measures. 

cient  measures  for  effecting  it.  He  shut  up  all 
the  places  of  public  amusement,  and  even  the 
public  walks  and  promenades,  and  put  an  end 
to  all  feastings,  revels,  and  entertainments. 
Every  man  capable  of  bearing  arms  was  enrol- 
led in  the  army,  and  the  troops  thus  formed  were 
brought  out  daily  for  severe  and  long-protract- 
ed drillings  and  reviews.  The  people  complain- 
ed loudly  of  these  exactions ;  but  Pyrrhus  had 
the  power  in  his  hands,  and  they  were  compel- 
led to  submit.  Many  of  the  inhabitants,  how- 
ever, were  so  dissatisfied  with  these  proceed- 
ings, that  they  went  away  and  left  the  city  al- 
together. Of  course  it  was  those  who  were  the 
most  hopelessly  idle,  dissolute,  and  reckless  that 
thus  withdrew,  while  the  more  hardy  and  reso- 
lute remained.  While  these  changes  were  going 
on,  Pyrrhus  set  up  and  repaired  the  defenses  of 
the  city.  He  secured  the  walls,  and  strength- 
ened the  gates,  and  organized  a  complete  sys- 
tem of  guards  and  sentries.  In  a  word,  the  con- 
dition of  Tarentum  was  soon  entirely  changed. 
From  being  an  exposed  and  defenseless  townr 
filled  with  devotees  of  idleness  and  pleasure,  it 
became  a  fortress,  well  secured  at  all  points 
with  material  defenses,  and  occupied  by  a  well- 
disciplined  and  resolute  garrison. 


B.C.  280.]        WAR    IN 


The  Tarentines  were  Greeks  in  origin. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  southeastern  part  of 
Italy,  where  Tarentum  was  situated,  were  of 
Greek  origin,  the  country  having  Tbeen  settled, 
as  it  would  seem,  by  emigrants  from  the  oppo- 
site shores  of  the  Adriatic  Sea.  Their  language, 
therefore,  as  well  as  their  customs  and  usages 
of  life,  were  different  from  those  of  the  Roman 
communities  that  occupied  the  western  parts  of 
the  peninsula.  Now  the  Greeks  at  this  period 
regarded  themselves  as  the  only  truly  civilized 
people  in  the  world  ;  all  other  nations  they  call- 
ed barbarians.  The  people  of  Tarentum,  there- 
fore, in  sending  for  Pyrrhus  to  come  to  their  aid 
against  the  Romans,  did  not  consider  him  as  a 
foreigner  brought  in  to  help  them  in  a  civil  war 
against  their  own  countrymen,  but  rather  as  a 
fellow-countryman  coming  to  aid  them  in  a  war 
against  foreigners.  They  regarded  him  as  be- 
longing to  the  same  race  and  lineage  with  them- 
selves, while  the  enemies  who  were  coming 
from  beyond  the  Apennines  to  assail  them  they 
looked  upon  as  a  foreign  and  barbarous  horde, 
against  whom  it  was  for  the  common  interest 
of  all  nations  of  Greek  descent  to  combine.  It 
was  this  identity  of  interest  between  Pyrrhus 
and  the  people  whom  he  came  to  aid,  in  respect 
both  to  their  national  origin  and  the  cause  in 


126  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  280. 

Troops  come  in  slowly.  Lsevinus. 

which  they  were  engaged,  which  made  it  possible 
for  him  to  assume  so  supreme  an  authority  over 
all  their  affairs  when  he  arrived  at  Tarentum. 

The  people  of  the  neighboring  cities  were  slow 
in  sending  in  to  Pyrrhus  the  quotas  of  troops 
which  the  Tarentines  had  promised  him;  and 
before  his  force  was  collected,  the  tidings  ar- 
rived that  the  Romans  were  coming  on  at  the 
head  of  a  great  army,  under  the  command  of 
the  consul  L  SB vinus.  Pyrrhus  immediately  pre- 
pared to  go  forth  to  meet  them.  He  marshal- 
ed the  troops  that  were  already  assembled,  and 
leaving  the  city,  he  advanced  to  meet  the  con- 
sul. After  proceeding  some  way,  he  sent  for- 
ward an  embassador  to  the  camp  of  Lsevinus  to 
propose  to  that  general  that,  before  coming  to 
extremities,  an  effort  should  be  made  to  settle 
the  dispute  between  the  Romans  and  Taren- 
tines in  some  amicable  manner,  and  offering  his 
services  as  an  umpire  and  mediator  for  this  pur- 
pose. To  this  embassage  Lsevinus  coolly  re- 
plied "that  he  did  not  choose  to  accept  Pyrrhus 
as  a  mediator,  and  that  he  did  not  fear  him  as 
an  enemy."  Of  course,  after  receiving  such  a 
message  as  this,  there  was  nothing  left  to  Pyr- 
rhus but  to  prepare  for  war. 

He  advanced,  accordingly,  at  the  head  of  his 


B.C.  280.]        WAR    IN    ITALY.  127 

Pyrrhus  sees  a  Roman  encampment. 

troops,  until,  at  length,  he  reached  a  plain,  where 
he  encamped  with  all  his  forces.  There  was  a 
river  before  him,  a  small  stream  called  the  River 
Siris.*  The  Romans  came  up  an  encamped 
on  the  opposite  side  of  the  bank  of  this  stream. 
Pyrrhus  mounted  his  horse  and  rode  to  an  emi- 
nence near  the  river  to  take  a  view  of  them. 

He  was  much  surprised  at  what  he  saw.  The 
order  of  the  troops,  the  systematic  and  regular 
arrangement  of  guards  and  sentinels,  and  the 
regularity  of  the  whole  encampment,  excited 
his  admiration.! 

"  Barbarians !"  said  he.  "  There  is  certainly 
nothing  of  the  barbarian  in  their  manner  of  ar- 
ranging their  encampment,  and  we  shall  soon 
see  how  it  is  with  them  in  other  respects." 

So  saying,  he  turned  away,  and  rode  to  his 
own  camp.  He,  however,  now  began  to  be  very 
seriously  concerned  in  respect  to  the  result  of 
the  approaching  contest.  The  enemy  with  whom 
he  was  about  to  engage  was  obviously  a  far 
more  formidable  one  than  he  had  anticipated. 
He  resolved  to  remain  where  he  was  until  the 
allies  whom  he  was  expecting  from  the  other 
Grecian  cities  should  arrive.  He  accordingly 
took  measures  for  fortifying  himself  as  strongly 
*  See  map.  t  See  Frontispiece. 


123  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  280. 

The  Romans  attack  Pyrrhus  by  crossing  the  river. 

as  possible  in  his  position,  and  he  sent  down  a 
strong  detachment  from  his  main  body  to  the 
river,  to  guard  the  bank  and  prevent  the  Ro- 
mans from  crossing  to  attack  him.  Lsevinusr 
on  the  other  hand,  knowing  that  Pyrrhus  was 
expecting  strong  re-enforcements,  determined 
not  to  wait  till  they  should  come,  but  resolved 
to  cross  the  river  at  once,  notwithstanding  the 
guard  which  Pyrrhus  had  placed  on  the  bank 
to  dispute  the  passage. 

The  Romans  did  not  attempt  to  cross  the 
stream  in  one  body.  The  troops  were  divided, 
and  the  several  columns  advanced  to  the  river 
and  entered  the  water  at  different  points  up  and 
down  the  stream,  the  foot-soldiers  at  the  fords, 
where  the  water  was  most  shallow,  and  the 
horsemen  at  other  places — the  most  favorable 
that  they  could  find.  In  this  manner  the  whole 
river  was  soon  filled  with  soldiers.  The  guard 
which  Pyrrhus  had  posted  on  the  bank  found 
that  they  were  wholly  unable  to  withstand  such 
multitudes ;  in  fact,  they  began  to  fear  that 
they  might  be  surrounded.  They  accordingly 
abandoned  the  bank  of  the  river,  and  retreated 
to  the  main  body  of  the  army. 

Pyrrhus  was  greatly  concerned  at  this  event, 
and  began  to  consider  himself  in  imminent  dan- 


B.C. 280.]        WAR    IN    ITALY.  129 

Extraordinary  spectacle.  Pyrrhus  conspicuous. 

ger.  He  drew  up  his  foot-soldiers  in  battle  ar- 
ray, and  ordered  them  to  stand  by  their  arms, 
while  he  himself  advanced,  at  the  head  of  the 
horsemen,  toward  the  river.  As  soon  as  he  came 
to  the  bank,  an  extraordinary  spectacle  present- 
ed itself  to  view.  The  surface  of  the  stream 
seemed  covered  in  every  part  with  shields,  rising 
a  little  above  the  water,  as  they  were  held  up 
by  the  arms  of  the  horsemen  and  footmen  who 
were  coming  over.  As  fast  as  the  Romans  land- 
ed, they  formed  an  array  on  the  shore,  and  Pyr- 
rhus, advancing  to  them,  gave  them  battle. 

The  contest  was  maintained,  with  the  utmost 
determination  and  fury  on  both  sides,  for  a  long 
time.  Pyrrhus  himself  was  very  conspicuous 
in  the  fight,  for  he  wore  a  very  costly  and  mag- 
nificent armor,  and  so  resplendent  in  lustre 
withal  as  to  be  an  object  of  universal  attention. 
Notwithstanding  this,  he  exposed  himself  in  the 
hottest  parts  of  the  engagement,  charging  upon 
the  enemy  with  the  most  dauntless  intrepidity 
whenever  there  was  occasion,  and  moving  up 
and  down  the  lines,  wherever  his  aid  or  the  en- 
couragement of  his  presence  was  most  required. 
At  length  one  of  his  generals,  named  Leonatus, 
rode  up  to  him  and  said, 

"  Do  you  see,  sire,  that  barbarian  trooper,  on 
22—9 


130  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  280. 

Combat  between  Pyrrlius  and  Lconatus. 

the  black  horse  with  the  white  feet  ?  I  counsel 
you  to  beware  of  him.  He  seems  to  be  medi- 
tating some  deep  design  against  you  ;  he  singles 
you  out,  and  keeps  his  eye  constantly  upon  you, 
and  follows  you  wherever  you  go.  He  is  watch- 
ing an  opportunity  to  execute  some  terrible  de- 
sign, and  you  will  do  well  to  be  on  your  guard 
against  him." 

"  Leonatus,"  said  Pyrrhus,  in  reply,  "  we  can 
not  contend  against  our  destiny,  I  know  very 
well ;  but  it  is  my  opinion  that  neither  that 
man,  nor  any  other  man  in  the  Roman  army 
that  seeks  an  encounter  with  me,  will  have  any 
reason  to  congratulate  himself  on  the  result  of 
it." 

He  had  scarcely  spoken  these  words  when  he 
saw  the  horseman  whom  Leonatus  had  pointed 
out  coming  down  upon  him  at  full  speed,  with 
his  spear  grasped  firmly  in  his  hands,  and  the 
iron  point  of  it  aimed  directly  at  Pyrrhus.  Pyr- 
rhus sprang  immediately  to  meet  his  antagonist, 
bringing  his  own  spear  into  aim  at  the  same 
time.  The  horses  met,  and  were  both  thrown 
down  by  the  shock  of  the  encounter.  The  friends 
of  Pyrrhus  rushed  to  the  spot.  They  found  both 
horses  had  been  thrust  through  by  the  spears, 
and  they  both  lay  now  upon  the  ground,  dying. 


B.C.  280.]        WAR    IN    ITALY.  131 

Pyrrhus  in  dreadful  danger.  The  elephants. 

Some  of  the  men  drew  Pyrrhus  out  from  under 
his  horse  and  bore  him  off  the  field,  while  others 
stabbed  and  killed  the  Roman  where  he  lay. 

Pyrrhus,  having  escaped  this  terrible  danger, 
determined  now  to  be  more  upon  his  guard. 
He  supposed,  in  fact,  that  the  Roman  officers 
would  be  made  furious  by  the  death  of  their 
comrade,  and  would  make  the  most  desperate 
efforts  to  avenge  him.  He  accordingly  con- 
trived to  find  an  opportunity,  in  the  midst  of 
the  confusion  of  the  battle,  to  put  off  the  armor 
which  made  him  so  conspicuous,  by  exchang- 
ing with  one  of  his  officers,  named  Megacles. 
Having  thus  disguised  himself,  he  returned  to 
the  battle.  He  brought  up  the  foot-soldiers  and 
the  elephants ;  and,  instead  of  employing  him- 
self, as  heretofore,  in  performing  single  feats  of 
personal  valor,  he  devoted  all  his  powers  to  di, 
recting  the  arrangements  of  the  battle,  encour, 
aging  the  men,  and  rallying  them  when  they 
were  for  a  time  driven  away  from  their  ground. 

By  the  exchange  of  armor  which  Pyrrhus 
thus  made  he  probably  saved  his  life ;  for  Me- 
gacles, wherever  he  appeared  after  he  had  as- 
sumed the  dress  of  Pyrrhus,  found  himself  al- 
ways surrounded  by  enemies,  who  pressed  upon 
him  incessantly  and  every  where  in  great  num- 


132  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  280. 

Trophies  borne  through  the  field. 

bers,  and  he  was  finally  killed.  When  he  fell, 
the  men  who  slew  him  seized  the  glittering 
helmet  and  the  resplendent  cloak  that  he  wore, 
emd  bore  them  off  in  triumph  into  the  Roman 


THE  TROPHIES. 

lines,  as  proof  that  Pyrrhus  was  slain.  The  tid- 
ings, as  it  passed  along  from  rank  to  rank  of  the 
army,  awakened  a  long  and  loud  shout  of  ac- 
clamation and  triumph,  which  greatly  excited 
and  animated  the  Romans,  while  it  awakened 
in  the  army  of  Pyrrhus  a  correspondent  emotion 
of  discouragement  and  fear.  In  fact,  for  a  short 
time  it  was  universally  believed  in  both  armies 
that  Pyrrhus  was  dead.  In  order  to  correct  this 
false  impression  among  his  own  troops,  which 


B.C. 280.]       WAR    IN    ITALY.  133 

Pyrrhus  shows  himself.  The  Romans  defeated. 

threatened  for  a  season  to  produce  the  most  fatal 
effects,  Pyrrhus  rode  along  the  ranks  with  his 
head  uncovered,  showing  himself  to  his  men, 
and  shouting  to  them  that  he  was  yet  alive. 

At  length,  after  a  long  and  very  obstinate 
conflict,  the  Greeks  gained  the  victory.  This 
result  was  due  in  the  end,  in  a  great  measure, 
to  the  elephants  which  Pyrrhus  brought  into 
the  battle.  The  Roman  horses,  being  wholly 
unused  to  the  sight  of  such  huge  beasts,  were 
terrified  beyond  measure  at  the  spectacle,  and 
fled  in  dismay  whenever  they  saw  the  monsters 
coming.  In  fact,  in  some  cases,  the  riders  lost 
all  command  of  their  horses,  and  the  troop  turn- 
ed and  fled,  bearing  down  and  overwhelming 
the  ranks  of  their  friends  behind  them.  In  the 
end  the  Romans  were  wholly  driven  from  the 
field.  They  did  not  even  return  to  their  camp, 
but,  after  recrossing  the  river  in  confusion,  they 
fled  in  all  directions,  abandoning  the  whole 
country  to  their  conqueror.  Pyrrhus  then  ad- 
vanced across  the  river  and  took  possession  of 
the  Roman  camp. 


134  PYRRHUS.        ,      [B.C.  280. 

Effects  of  the  victory.  Public  opinion  at  Rome. 


CHAPTER    \L 
NEGOTIATIONS. 

THE  result  of  the  battle  on  the  hanks  of  the 
Siris,  decisive  and  complete  as  the  victory 
was  on  the  part  of  the  Greeks,  produced,  of 
course,  a  very  profound  sensation  at  Rome.  In- 
stead, however,  of  discouraging  and  dishearten- 
ing the  Roman  senate  and  people,  it  only  aroused 
them  to  fresh  energy  and  determination.  The 
victory  was  considered  as  wholly  due  to  the  ex- 
traordinary military  energy  and  skill  of  Pyrrhus, 
and  not  to  any  superiority  of  the  Greek  troops 
over  those  of  the  Romans  in  courage,  in  disci- 
pline, or  in  efficiency  in  the  field.  In  fact,  it  was 
a  saying  at  Rome  at  the  time,  that  it  was  Lae- 
vinus  that  had  heen  conquered  hy  Pyrrhus  in 
the  hattle,  and  not  the  Romans  hy  the  Greeks. 
The  Roman  government,  accordingly,  began  im- 
mediately to  enlist  new  recruits,  and  to  make 
preparations  for  a  new  campaign,  more  ample 
and  complete,  and  on  a  far  greater  scale  than 
before. 

Pyrrhus  was  much  surprised  when  he  heard 


B.C.280.]         NEGOTIATIONS.  135 

Expectations  of  Pyrrhus.  His  mistake. 

these  things.  He  had  supposed  that  the  Romans 
would  have  been  disheartened  by  the  defeat 
which  they  had  sustained,  and  would  now  think 
only  of  proposals  and  negotiations  for  peace.  He 
seems  to  have  been  but  very  imperfectly  inform- 
ed in  respect  to  the  condition  of  the  Roman  com- 
monwealth at  this  period,  and  to  the  degree  of 
power  to  which  it  had  attained.  He  supposed 
that,  after  suffering  so  signal  and  decisive  a  de- 
feat, the  Romans  would  regard  themselves  as 
conquered,  and  that  nothing  remained  to  them 
now  but  to  consider  how  they  could  make  the 
best  terms  with  their  conqueror.  The  Roman 
troops  had,  indeed,  withdrawn  from  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  place  where  the  battle  had  been 
fought,  and  had  left  Pyrrhus  to  take  possession 
of  the  ground  without  molestation.  Pyrrhus 
was  even  allowed  to  advance  some  considerable 
distance  toward  Rome;  but  he  soon  learned 
that,  notwithstanding  their  temporary  reverses, 
his  enemies  had  not  the  most  remote  intention 
of  submitting  to  him,  but  were  making  prepara- 
tions to  take  the  field  again  with  a  greater  force 
than  ever. 

Under  these  circumstances,  Pyrrhus  was  for 
a  time  somewhat  at  a  loss  what  to  do.  Should 
he  follow  up  his*  victory,  and  advance  boldly  to- 


136  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  280. 

Cineas  sent  an  ambassador  to  Rome. 

ward  the  capital,  with  a  view  of  overcoming  the 
Roman  power  entirely,  or  should  he  be  satisfied 
with  the  advantage  which  he  had  already  gain- 
ed, and  be  content,  for  the  present,  with  being 
master  of  Western  Italy  ?  After  much  hesita- 
tion, he  concluded  on  the  latter  course.  He  ac- 
cordingly suspended  his  hostile  operations,  and 
prepared  to  send  an  embassador  to  Rome  to, pro- 
pose peace.  Cineas  was,  of  course,  the  embas- 
sador commissioned  to  act  on  this  occasion. 

Cineas  accordingly  proceeded  to  Rome.  He 
was  accompanied  by  a  train  of  attendants  suit- 
able to  his  rank  as  a  royal  embassador,  and  he 
took  with  him  a  great  number  of  costly  presents 
to  be  offered  to  the  leading  men  in  Rome,  by 
way,  as  it  would  seem,  of  facilitating  his  nego- 
tiations. The  nature  of  the  means  which  he 
thus  appears  to  have  relied  upon  in  his  embassy 
to  Rome  may,  perhaps,  indicate  the  secret  of 
his  success  in  the  diplomatic  duties  which  he 
had  performed  in  Greece  and  in  Asia,  where  he 
had  acquired  so  much  distinction  for  his  dexter- 
ity in  negotiating  treaties  favorable  to  the  inter- 
ests of  his  master.  However  this  may  be,  Cin- 
eas found  that  the  policy  which  he  contem- 
plated would  not  answer  in  Rome.  Soon  after 
his  arrival  in  the  city,  and  in  an  early  stage  of 


B.C.280.]          NEGOTIATIONS.  137 

Cineas's  plans  for  bribing  the  Roman  senators. 

the  negotiations,  he  began  to  offer  his  presents 
to  the  public  men  with  whom  he  had  to  deal ; 
but  they  refused  to  accept  them.  The  Roman 
senators  to  whom  the  gifts  were  offered  return- 
ed them  all,  saying  that,  in  case  a  treaty  should 
be  concluded,  and  peace  made  between  the  two 
nations,  they  should  then  have  no  objections  to 
an  interchange  of  such  civilities  ;  but,  while  the 
negotiations  were  pending,  they  conceived  it  im- 
proper for  them  to  receive  any  such  offerings. 
It  may,  perhaps,  be  taken  as  an  additional  proof 
of  the  nature  of  the  influences  which  Cineas  was 
accustomed  to  rely  upon  in  his  diplomatic  under- 
takings, that  he  offered  many  of  his  gifts  on  this 
occasion  to  the  ladies  of  the  Roman  senators  as 
well  as  to  the  senators  themselves ;  but  the 
wives  were  found  as  incorruptible  as  the  hus- 
bands. The  gifts  were  all  alike  returned. 

Not  discouraged  by  the  failure  of  this  attempt, 
Cineas  obtained  permission  of  the  Roman  sen- 
ate to  appear  before  them,  and  to  address  them 
on  the  subject  of  the  views  which  Pyrrhus  en- 
tertained in  respect  to  the  basis  of  the  peace 
which  he  proposed.  On  the  appointed  day 
Cineas  went  to  the  senate-chamber,  and  there 
made  a  long  and  very  able  and  eloquent  ad- 
dress, in  the  presence  of  the  senate  and  of  the 


138  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  280. 

Speech  of  Cineas  in  the  Roman  senate. 

principal  inhabitants  of  the  city.  He  was  very 
much  impressed  on  this  occasion  with  the  spec- 
tacle which  the  august  assembly  presented  to 
his  view.  He  said  afterward,  in  fact,  that  the 
Roman  senate  seemed  to  him  like  a  congress 
of  kings,  so  dignified  and  imposing  was  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  body,  and  so  impressive  was  the 
air  of  calmness  and  gravity  which  reigned  in 
their  deliberations.  Cineas  made  a  very  able 
and  effective  speech.  He  explained  the  views 
and  proposals  of  Pyrrhus,  presenting  them  in  a 
light  as  favorable  and  attractive  as  possible. 
Pyrrhus  was  willing,  he  said,  to  make  peace  on 
equal  terms.  He  proposed  that  he  should  give 
up  all  his  prisoners  without  ransom,  and  that 
the  Romans  should  give  up  theirs.  He  would 
then  form  an  alliance  with  the  Romans,  and 
aid  them  in  the  future  conquests  that  they 
meditated.  All  he  asked  was  that  he  might 
have  the  sanction  of  the  Roman  government  to 
his  retaining  Tarentum  and  the  countries  con- 
nected with  and  dependent  upon  it ;  and  that, 
in  maintaining  his  dominion  over  these  lands, 
he  might  look  upon  the  Roman  people  as  his 
allies  and  friends. 

After  Cineas  had  concluded  his  speech  and 
had  withdrawn  from  the  senate-chamber,  a  de- 


B.C. 280.]        NEGOTIATIONS.  139 

Debate  in  the  senate.  An  incident  of  the  discussion. 

bate  arose  among  the  senators  on  the  proposi- 
tions which  he  had  made  to  them.  There  was 
a  difference  of  opinion ;  some  were  for  rejecting 
the  proposals  at  once  ;  others  thought  that  they 
ought  to  be  accepted.  Those  who  were  in- 
clined to  peace  urged  the  wisdom  of  acceding 
to  Pyrrhus's  proposals  by  representing  the  great 
danger  of  continuing  the  war.  "  We  have  al- 
ready," said  they,  "  lost  one  great  and  decisive 
battle ;  and,  in  case  of  the  renewal  of  the  strug- 
gle, we  must  expect  to  find  our  enemy  still  more 
formidable  than  he  was  before  ;  for  many  of  the 
Italian  nations  of  the  eastern  coast  have  joined 
his  standard  since  hearing  of  the  victory  which 
he  has  obtained,  and  more  are  coming  in.  His 
strength,  in  fact,  is  growing  greater  and  greater 
every  day ;  and  it  is  better  for  us  to  make  peace 
with  him  now,  on  the  honorable  terms  which 
he  proposes  to  us,  rather  than  to  risk  another 
battle,  which  may  lead  to  the  most  disastrous 
consequences." 

In  the  midst  of  this  discussion,  an  aged  sen- 
ator, who  had  been  for  a  long  time  incapaci- 
tated by  his  years  and  infirmities  from  appear- 
ing in  his  seat,  was  seen  coming  to  the  assem- 
bly, supported  and  led  by  his  sons  and  sons-in- 
law,  who  were  making  way  for  him  in  the  pas- 


140  PYRRIIUS.  [B.C.  280. 

Appius  Claudius  is  brought  on  a  bed  to  the  senate. 

sages  and  conducting  him  in.  His  name  was 
Appius  Claudius.  He  was  blind  and  almost 
helpless  through  age  and  infirmity.  He  had 
heard  in  his  chamber  of  the  irresolution  of  the 
senate  in  respect  to  the  further  prosecution  of 
the  war  with  Pyrrhus,  and  had  caused  himself 
to  be  taken  from  his  bed  and  borne  through  the 
streets  by  servants  on  a  chair  to  the  senate- 
house,  that  he  might  there  once  more  raise  his 
voice  to  save,  if  possible,  the  honor  and  dignity 
of  his  country.  As  he  entered  the  chamber,  he 
became  at  once  the  object  of  universal  atten- 
tion. As  soon  as  he  reached  his  seat,  a  respect- 
ful silence  began  to  prevail  throughout  the  as- 
sembly, all  listening  to  hear  what  he  had  to  say. 
He  expressed  himself  as  follows : 

"  Senators  of  Rome, — I  am  blind,  and  I  have 
been  accustomed  to  consider  my  blindness  as  a 
calamity ;  but  now  I  could  wish  that  I  had  been 
deaf  as  well  as  blind,  and  then  I  might  never 
have  heard  of  the  disgrace  which  seems  to  im- 
pend over  my  country.  Where  are  now  the 
boastings  that  we  made  when  Alexander  the 
Great  commen3ed  his  career,  that  if  he  had 
turned  his  arms  toward  Italy  and  Rome,  in- 
stead of  Persia  and  the  East,  we  would  never 
have  submitted  to  him  ;  that  he  never  would 


B.C. 280.]        NEGOTIATIONS.  141 


Speech  of  Appius  Claudius. 


have  gained  the  renown  of  being  invincible  if 
he  had  only  attacked  us,  but  would,  on  the 
other  hand,  if  he  invaded  our  dominions,  only 
have  contributed  to  the  glory  of  the  Roman 
name  by  his  flight  or  his  fall  ?  These  boasts  we 
made  so  loudly  that  the  echo  of  them  spread 
throughout  the  world.  And  yet  now,  here  is 
an  obscure  adventurer  who  has  landed  on  our 
shores  as  an  enemy  and  an  invader,  and  be- 
cause he  has  met  with  a  partial  and  temporary 
success,  you  are  debating  whether  you  shall  not 
make  an  ignominious  peace  with  him,  and  al- 
low him  to  remain.  How  vain  and  foolish  does 
all  our  boastful  defiance  of  Alexander  appear 
when  we  now  tremble  at  the  name  of  Pyrrhus 
— a  man  who  has  been  all  his  life  a  follower  and 
dependent  of  one  of  Alexander's  inferior  gener- 
als—a man  who  has  scarcely  been  able  to  main- 
tain himself  in  his  own  dominions — who  could 
not  retain  even  a  small  and  insignificant  part 
of  Macedon  which  he  had  conquered,  but  was 
driven  ignominiously  from  it ;  and  who  comes 
into  Italy  now  rather  as  a  refugee  than  a  con- 
queror— an  adventurer  who  seeks  power  here 
because  he  can  not  sustain  himself  at  home  !  I 
•warn  you  not  to  expect  that  you  can  gain  any 
thing  by  making  such  a  peace  with  him  as  he 


142  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  280. 

Effect  of  his  speech  on  the  senate. 

proposes.  Such  a  peace  makes  no  atonement 
for  the  past,  and  jt  offers  no  security  for  the  fu- 
ture. On  the  contrary,  it  will  open  the  door  to 
other  invaders,  who  will  come,  encouraged  by 
Pyrrhus's  success,  and  emboldened  by  the  con- 
tempt which  they  will  feel  for  you  in  allowing 
yourselves  to  be  thus  braved  and  insulted  with 
impunity." 

The  effect  of  this  speech  on  the  senate  was 
to  produce  a  unanimous  determination  to  carry 
on  the  war.  Cineas  was  accordingly  dismiss- 
ed with  this  answer  :  that  the  Romans  would 
listen  to  no  propositions  for  peace  while  Pyrrhus 
remained  in  Italy.  If  he  would  withdraw  from 
the  country  altogether,  and  retire  to  his  own 
proper  dominions,  they  would  then  listen  to  any 
proposals  that  he  might  make  for  a  treaty  of  al- 
liance and  amity.  So  long,  however,  as  he  re- 
mained on  Italian  ground,  they  would  make  no 
terms  with  him  whatever,  though  he  should 
gain  a  thousand  victories,  but  would  wage  war 
upon  him  to  the  last  extremity. 

Cineas  returned  to  the  camp  of  Pyrrhus,  bear- 
ing this  reply.  He  communicated  also  to  Pyr- 
rhus a  great  deal  of  information  in  respect  to 
the  government  and  the  people  of  Rome,  the 
extent  of  the  population,  and  the  wealth  and 


B.C.  280.]        NEGOTIATIONS.  143 

Cineas  makes  report  of  his  mission. 

resources  of  the  city ;  for  while  he  had  been 
engaged  in  conducting  his  negotiations,  he  had 
made  every  exertion  to  obtain  intelligence  on  all 
these  points,  and  he  had  been  a  very  attentive 
and  sagacious  observer  of  all  that  he  had  seen. 
The  account  which  he  gave  was  very  little  cal- 
culated to  encourage  Pyrrhus  in  his  future  hopes 
and  expectations.  The  people  of  Rome,  Cineas 
said,  were  far  more  numerous  than  he  had  be- 
fore supposed.  They  had  now  already  on  foot 
an  army  twice  as  large  as  the  one  which  Pyr- 
rhus had  defeated,  and  multitudes  besides  were 
still  left  in  the  city,  of  a  suitable  age  for  enlist- 
ing, sufficient  to  form  even  larger  armies  still. 
The  prospect,  in  a  word,  was  very  far  from  such 
as  to  promise  Pyrrhus  an  easy  victory. 

Of  course,  both  parties  began  now  to  prepare 
vigorously  for  war.  Before  hostilities  were  re- 
sumed, however,  the  Romans  sent  a  messenger 
to  the '  camp  of  Pyrrhus  to  negotiate  an  ex- 
change of  prisoners.  The  name  of  this  embas- 
sador  was  Fabricius.  Fabricius,  as  Pyrrhus 
was  informed  by  Cineas,  was  very  highly  es- 
teemed at  Rome  for  his  integrity  and  for  his 
military  abilities,  but  he  was  without  property, 
being  dependent  wholly  on  his  pay  as  an  officer 
of  the  army.  Pyrrhus  received  Fabricius  in 


144  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  279. 

Fabricius  sent  to  Pyrrhus.  His  reception. 

the  most  respectful  manner,  and  treated  him 
with  every  mark  of  consideration  and  honor. 
He,  moreover,  offered  him  privately  a  large  sum 
of  money  in  gold.  He  told  Fabricius  that,  in 
asking  his  acceptance  of  such  a  gift,  he  did  not 
do  it  for  any  base  purpose,  but  intended  it  only 
as  a  token  of  friendship  and  hospitality.  Fa- 
bricius, however,  refused  to  accept  the  present, 
and  Pyrrhus  pressed  him  no  further. 

The  next  day  Pyrrhus  formed  a  plan  for  giv- 
ing his  guest  a  little  surprise.  He  supposed 
that  he  had  never  seen  an  elephant,  and  he  ac- 
cordingly directed  that  one  of  the  largest  of 
these  animals  should  be  placed  secretly  behind 
a  curtain,  in  an  apartment  where  Fabricius 
was  to  be  received.  The  elephant  was  covered 
with  his  armor,  and  splendidly  caparisoned. 
After  Fabricius  had  come  in,  and  while  he  was 
sitting  in  the  apartment  wholly  unconscious  of 
what  was  before  him,  all  at  once  the  curtain 
was  raised,  and  the  elephant  was  suddenly 
brought  to  view  ;  and,  at  the  same  instant,  the 
huge  animal,  raising  his  trunk,  flourished  it  in 
a  threatening  manner  over  Fabricius's  head, 
making  at  the  same  time  a  frightful  cry,  such 
as  he  had  been  trained  to  utter  for  the  purpose 
of  striking  terror  into  the  enemy,  in  charging 


B.C. 279.]        NEGOTIATIONS.  145 


The  elephant  concealed  in  the  tent. 


THE  ELEPHANT  CONCEALED. 


upon  them  on  the  field  of  battle.  Fabricius, 
instead  of  appearing  terrified,  or  even  astonish- 
ed at  the  spectacle,  sat  quietly  in  his  seat,  to  all 
appearance  entirely  unmoved,  and,  turning  to 
Pyrrhus  with  an  air  of  the  utmost  composure, 
said  coolly,  "  You  see  that  you  make  no  impres- 
sion upon  me,  either  by  your  gold  yesterday  or 
by  your  beast  to-day." 

Pyrrhus  was  not  at  all  displeased  with  this 
answer,  blunt  as  it  may  seem.  On  the  contra- 
ry, he  seems  to  have  been  very  deeply  impress- 
ed with  a  sense  of  the  stern  and  incorruptible 
virtue  of  Fabricius's  character,  and  he  felt  a 

22—10 


146  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  279. 

Pyrrhus  makes  great  offers  to  Fabricius. 

strong  desire  to  obtain  the  services  of  such  an 
officer  in  his  own  court  and  army.  He  accord- 
ingly made  new  proposals  to  Fabricius,  urging 
him  to  use  his  influence  to  induce  the  Romans 
to  make  peace,  and  then  to  go  with  him  to  Epi- 
rus,  and  enter  into  his  service  there. 

"  If  you  will  do  so,"  said  Pyrrhus,  "  I  will 
make  you  the  chief  of  my  generals,  and  my  own 
most  intimate  friend  and  companion,  and  you 
shall  enjoy  abundant  honors  and  rewards." 

"  No,"  replied  Fabricius,  "  I  can  not  accept 
those  offers,  nor  is  it  for  your  interest  that  I 
should  accept  them ;  for,  were  I  to  go  with  you 
to  Epirus,  your  people,  as  soon  as  they  came  to 
know  me  well,  would  lose  all  their  respect  for 
you,  and  would  wish  to  have  me,  instead  of 
you,  for  their  king." 

We  are,  perhaps,  to  understand  this  rejoinder, 
as  well  as  the  one  which  Fabricius  made  to 
Pyrrhus  in  respect  to  the  elephant,  as  intended 
in  a  somewhat  jocose  and  playful  sense  ;  since, 
if  we  suppose  them  to  have  been  gravely  and 
seriously  uttered,  they  would  indicate  a  spirit 
of  vanity  and  of  empty  boasting  which  would 
seem  to  be  wholly  inconsistent  with  what  we 
know  of  Fabricius's  character.  However  this 
may  be,  Pyrrhus  was  pleased  with  both ;  and 


B.C. 279.]         NEGOTIATIONS.  147 

The  Roman  armies  advance.  The  two  generals. 

the  more  that  he  saw  and  learned  of  the  Ro- 
mans, the  more  desirous  he  became  of  terminat- 
ing the  war  and  forming  an  alliance  with  them. 
But  the  Romans  firmly  persisted  in  refusing  to 
treat  with  him,  except  on  the  condition  of  his 
withdrawing  first  entirely  from  Italy,  and  this 
was  a  condition  with  which  he  deemed  it  im- 
possible to  comply.  It  would  be  equivalent,  in 
fact,  to  an  acknowledgment  that  he  had  been 
entirely  defeated.  Accordingly,  both  sides  be- 
gan again  to  prepare  vigorously  for  war. 

The  Romans  marched  southward  from  the 
city  with  a  large  army,  under  the  command  of 
their  two  consuls.  The  names  of  the  consuls 
at  this  tune  were  Sulpicius  Saverrio  and  Decius 
Mus.  These  generals  advanced  into  Apulia,  a 
country  on  the  western  coast  of  Italy,  north  of 
Tarentum.  Here  they  encamped  on  a  plain  at 
the  foot  of  the  Apennines,  near  a  place  called 
Asculum.  There  was  a  stream  in  front  of  their 
camp,  and  the  mountains  were  behind  it.  The 
stream  was  large  and  deep,  and  of  course  it 
greatly  protected  their  position.  On  hearing  of 
the  approach  of  the  Romans,  Pyrrhus  himself 
took  the  field  at  the  head  of  all  his  forces,  and 
advanced  to  meet  them.  He  came  to  the  plain 
on  which  the  Roman  army  was  encamped,  and 


148  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  279. 

The  armies  encamp  in  sight  of  each  other. 

posted  himself  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the 
stream.  The  armies  were  thus  placed  in  close 
vicinity  to  each  other,  being  separated  only  by 
the  stream.  The  question  was,  which  should 
attempt  to  cross  the  stream  and  make  the  at- 
tack upon  the  other.  They  remained  in  this 
position  for  a  considerable  time,  neither  party 
venturing  to  attempt  the  passage. 

While  things  were  in  this  condition — the 
troops  on  each  side  waiting  for  an  opportunity 
of  attacking  their  enemies,  and  probably  with- 
out any  fear  whatever  of  the  physical  dangers 
which  they  were  to  encounter  in  the  conflict — 
the  feeling  of  composure  and  confidence  among 
the  men  in  Pyrrhus's  army  was  greatly  dis- 
turbed by  a  singular  superstition.  It  was  ru- 
mored in  the  army  that  Deems  Mus,  the  Ro- 
man commander,  was  endowed  with  a  species  of 
magical  and  supernatural  power,  which  would, 
under  certain  circumstances,  be  fatal  to  all  who 
opposed  him.  And  though  the  Greeks  seem  to 
have  had  no  fear  of  the  material  steel  of  the  Ro- 
man legions,  this  mysterious  and  divine  virtue, 
which  they  imagined  to  reside  in  the  command- 
er, struck  them  with  an  invincible  terror. 

The  story  was,  that  the  supernatural  power 
in  question  originated  in  one  of  the  ancestors  of 


B.C. 279.]         NEGOTIATIONS.  149 

Story  of  Decius  Mus.  His  military  honors. 

the  present  Decius,  a  brave  Roman  general, 
who  lived  and  flourished  in  the  century  preced- 
ing the  time  of  Pyrrhus.  His  name,  too,  was 
Decius  Mus.  In  the  early  part  of  his  life,  when 
he  was  a  subordinate  officer,  he  was  the  means 
of  saving  the  whole  army  from  most  imminent 
danger,  by  taking  possession  of  an  eminence 
among  the  mountains,  with  the  companies  that 
were  under  his  command,  and  holding  it  against 
the  enemy  until  the  Roman  troops  could  be 
drawn  out  of  a  dangerous  defile  where  they 
would  otherwise  have  been  overwhelmed  and 
destroyed.  He  was  greatly  honored  for  this  ex- 
ploit. The  consul  who  commanded  on  the 
occasion  rewarded  him  with  a  golden  crown,  a 
hundred  oxen,  and  a  magnificent  white  bull, 
with  gilded  horns.  The  common  soldiers,  too, 
held  a  grand  festival  and  celebration  in  honor 
of  him,  in  which  they  crowned  him  with  a 
wreath  made  of  dried  grasses  on  the  field,  ac- 
cording to  an  ancient  custom  which  prevailed 
among  the  Romans  of  rewarding  in  this  way 
any  man  who  should  be  the  means  of  saving  an 
army.  Of  course,  such  an  event  as  saving  an 
army  was  of  very  rare  occurrence  ;  and,  accord- 
ingly, the  crowning  of  a  soldier  by  his  com- 
rades on  the  field  was  a  very  distinguished  hon- 


150  PY-RRHUS.  [B.C.  279. 

The  vision.         •  Extraordinary  alternative  proposed. 

or,  although  the  decoration  itself  was  made  of 
materials  so  insignificant  and  worthless. 

Deems  rose  rapidly  after  this  time  from  rank 
to  rank,  until  at  length  he  was  chosen  consul. 
In  the  course  of  his  consulship,  he  took  the  field 
with  one  of  his  colleagues,  whose  name  was 
Torquatus,  at  the  head  of  a  large  army,  in  the 
prosecution  of  a  very  important  war  in  the  inte- 
rior of  the  country.  The  time  arrived  at  length 
for  a  decisive  battle  to  be  fought.  Both  armies 
were  drawn  up  on  the  field,  the  preparations 
were  all  made,  and  the  battle  was  to  be  fought 
on  the  following  day.  In  the  night,  however,  a 
vision  appeared  to  each  consul,  informing  him 
that  it  had  been  decreed  by  fate  that  a  general 
on  one  side  and  the  army  on  the  other  were  to 
be  destroyed  on  the  following  day;  and  that, 
consequently,  either  of  the  consuls,  by  sacrific- 
ing himself,  might  secure  the  destruction  of  the 
enemy.  On  the  other  hand,  if  they  were  to  take 
measures  to  save  themselves,  the  general  on  the 
other  side  would  be  killed,  and  on  their  side  the 
army  would  be  defeated  and  cut  to  pieces. 

The  two  consuls,  on  conferring  together  upon 
the  following  morning,  immediately  decided 
that  either  one  or  the  other  of  them  should  die, 
in  order  to  secure  victory  to  the  arms  of  their 


B.C.  279.]        NEGOTIATIONS.  151 

The  two  consuls  draw  lots.  Decius  sacrifices  himself. 

country ;  and  the  question  at  once  arose,  what 
method  they  should  adopt  to  determine  which 
of  them  should  be  the  sacrifice.  At  last  it  was 
agreed  that  they  would  go  into  tattle  as  usual, 
each  in  command  of  his  own  wing  of  the  army, 
and  that  the  one  whose  wing  should  first  begin 
to  give  way  should  offer  himself  as  the  victim. 
The  arrangements  were  made  accordingly,  and 
the  result  proved  that  Decius  was  the  one  on 
whom  the  dire  duty  of  self-immolation  was  to 
devolve.  The  wing  under  his  command  began 
to  give  way.  He  immediately  resolved  to  ful- 
fill his  vow.  He  summoned  the  high  priest.  He 
clothed  himself  in  the  garb  of  a  victim  about  to 
be  offered  in  sacrifice.  Then,  with  his  military 
cloak  wrapped  about  his  head,  and  standing 
upon  a  spear  that  had  been  previously  laid  down 
upon  the  ground,  he  repeated  in  the  proper  form 
words  by  which  he  devoted  himself  and  the 
army  of  the  enemy  to  the  God  of  Death,  and 
then  finally  mounted  upon  his  horse  and  drove 
furiously  in  among  the  thickest  of  the  enemy. 
Of  course  he  was  at  once  thrust  through  with  a 
hundred  spears  and  javelins;  and  immediately 
afterward  the  army  of  the  enemy  gave  way  on 
all  hands,  and  the  Romans  swept  the  field,  com- 
pletely victorious. 


152  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  279 

Superstitious  fears  of  the  soldiers.  Decius  Mus. 

The  power  which  was  in  this  instance  super- 
naturally  granted  to  Decius  to  secure  the  vic- 
tory to  the  Roman  arms,  by  sacrificing  his  own 
2ife  on  the  field  of  battle,  afterward  descended, 
it  was  supposed,  as  an  inheritance,  from  father 
to  son.  Decius  Mus,  the  commander  opposed 
to  Pyrrhus,  was  the  grandson  of  his  namesake 
referred  to  above  ;  and  now  it  was  rumored 
among  the  Greeks  that  he  intended,  as  soon  as 
the  armies  came  into  action,  to  make  the  de- 
struction of  his  enemies  sure  by  sacrificing 
himself,  as  his  grandfather  had  done.  The  sol- 
diers of  Pyrrhus  were  willing  to  meet  any  of 
the  ordinary  and  natural  chances  and  hazards 
of  war ;  but,  where  the  awful  and  irresistible 
decrees  of  the  spiritual  world  were  to  be  against 
them,  it  is  not  strange  that  they  dreaded  the 
encounter. 

Under  these  circumstances,  Pyrrhus  sent  a 
party  of  messengers  to  the  Roman  camp  to  say 
to  Decius,  that  if  in  the  approaching  battle  he 
attempted  to  resort  to  any  such  arts  of  necro- 
mancy to  secure  the  victory  to  the  Roman  side, 
he  would  find  himself  wholly  unsuccessful  in 
the  attempt ;  for  the  Greek  soldiers  had  all  been 
instructed  not  to  kill  him  if  he  should  throw 
himself  among  them,  but  to  take  him  alive  and 


B.C. 279.]         NEGOTIATIONS.  153 


Reply  of  Decius  Mus  to  Pyrrhus. 


bring  him  a  prisoner  to  Pyrrhus's  camp ;  and 
that  then,  after  the  battle  was  over,  he  should 
be  subjected,  they  declared,  to  the  most  cruel 
and  ignominious  punishments,  as  a  magician 
and  an  impostor.  Decius  sent  back  word,  in 
reply,  that  Pyrrhus  had  no  occasion  to  give 
himself  any  uneasiness  in  respect  to  the  course 
which  the  Roman  general  would  pursue  in  the 
approaching  battle.  The  measure  that  he  had 
referred  to  was  one  to  which  the  Romans  were 
not  accustomed  to  resort  except  in  emergencies 
of  the  most  extreme  and  dangerous  character, 
and  Pyrrhus  ought  not  to  flatter  himself  with 
the  idea  that  the  Romans  regarded  his  invasion 
as  of  sufficient  consequence  to  require  them  to 
have  recourse  to  any  unusual  means  of  defense. 
They  were  fully  convinced  of  their  ability  to 
meet  and  conquer  him  by  ordinary  modes  of 
warfare.  To  prove  that  they  were  honest  in 
this  opinion,  they  offered  to  waive  the  advantage 
which  the  river  afforded  them  as  a  means  of 
defense,  and  allow  Pyrrhus  to  cross  it  without 
molestation,  with  a  view  to  fighting  the  battle 
afterward  upon  the  open  field ;  or  they  would 
themselves  cross  the  river,  and  fight  the  battle 
on  Pyrrhus's  side  of  it — whichever  Pyrrhus 
himself  preferred.  They  asked  for  no  advant- 


PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  279. 

The  Romans  afraid  of  the  elephants. 

age,  but  were  willing  to  meet  their  adversaries 
on  equal  terms,  and  abide  by  the  result. 

Pyrrhus  could  not  with  honor  decline  to 
accept  this  challenge.  He  decided  to  remain 
where  he  was,  and  allow  the  Romans  to  cross 
the  stream.  This  they  accordingly  did;  and 
when  all  the  troops  had  effected  the  passage, 
they  were  drawn  up  in  battle  array  on  the  plain. 
Pyrrhus  marshaled  his  forces  also,  and  both  par- 
ties prepared  for  the  contest. 

The  Romans  stood  most  in  awe  of  the  ele- 
phants, and  they  resorted  to  some  peculiar  and 
extraordinary  means  of  resisting  them.  They 
prepared  a  great  number  of  chariots,  each  of 
which  was  armed  with  a  long  pointed  spear, 
projecting  forward  in  such  a  manner  that  when 
the  chariots  should  be  driven  on  toward  the  el- 
ephants, these  spears  or  beaks  should  pierce  the 
bodies  of  the  beasts  and  destroy  them.  The 
chariots,  too,  were  filled  with  men,  who  were  all 
provided  with  fire-brands,  which  they  were  to 
throw  at  the  elephants,  and  frighten  them,  as 
they  came  on.  These  chariots  were  all  careful- 
ly posted  in  front  of  that  part  of  Pyrrhus's  army 
where  the  elephants  were  stationed,  and  the 
charioteers  were  strictly  ordered  not  to  move 
until  they  should  see  the  elephants  advancing. 


B.C.279.]         NEGOTIATIONS.  155 

The  battle.  The  elephants.  War  chariots. 

The  battle,  as  might  have  been  expected  from 
the  circumstances  which  preceded  it,  and  from 
the  character  of  the  combatants,  was  fought 
with  the  most  furious  and  persevering  despera- 
tion. It  continued  through  the  whole  day  ;  and 
in  the  various  parts  of  the  field,  and  during  the 
different  hours  of  the  day,  the  advantage  was 
sometimes  strongly  on  one  side,  and  sometimes 
on  the  other,  so  that  it  was  wholly  uncertain, 
for  a  long  time,  what  the  ultimate  result  would 
be.  The  elephants  succeeded  in  getting  round 
the  chariots  which  had  been  posted  to  intercept 
them,  and  effected  a  great  destruction  of  the 
Roman  troops.  On  the  other  hand,  a  detach- 
ment of  the  Roman  army  made  their  way  to 
the  camp  of  Pyrrhus,  and  attacked  it  desperate- 
ly. Pyrrhus  withdrew  a  part  of  his  forces  to 
protect  his  camp,  and  that  turned  the  tide  against 
him  on  the  field.  By  means  of  the  most  Her- 
culean exertions,  Pyrrhus  rallied  his  men,  and 
restored  their  confidence  ;  and  then,  for  a  time, 
the  fortune  of  war  seemed  to  incline  in  his  fa- 
vor. In  the  course  of  the  day  Decius  was  killed, 
and  the  whole  command  of  the  Roman  army 
then  devolved  upon  Sulpicius,  his  colleague. 
Pyrrhus  himself  was  seriously  wounded.  When, 
at  last,  the  sun  went  down,  and  the  approach- 
ing darkness  of  the  night  prevented  a  continu- 


156  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  279. 

Doubtful  victory.  Winter  quarters. 

ance  of  the  combat,  both  parties  drew  off  such 
as  remained  alive  of  their  respective  armies, 
leaving  the  field  covered  with  the  dead  and 
dying.  One  of  Pyrrhus's  generals  congratulated 
him  on  his  victory.  "  Yes,"  said  Pyrrhus  ; 
"  another  such  victory,  and  I  shall  be  undone." 

In  fact,  after  trying  their  strength  against 
each  other  in  this  battle,  neither  party  seemed 
to  be  in  haste  to  bring  on  another  contest.  They 
both  drew  away  to  places  of  security,  and  began 
to  send  for  re-enforcements,  and  to  take  meas- 
ures to  strengthen  themselves  for  future  opera- 
tions. They  remained  in  this  state  of  inaction 
until  at  length  the  season  passed  away,  and  they 
then  went  into  winter-quarters,  each  watching 
the  other,  but  postponing,  by  common  consent, 
all  active  hostilities  until  spring.  In  the  spring 
they  took  the  field  again,  and  the  two  armies 
approached  each  other  once  more.  The  Roman 
army  had  now  two  new  commanders,  one  of 
whom  was  the  celebrated  Fabricius,  whom  Pyr- 
rhus had  negotiated  with  on  former  occasions. 
The  two  commanders  were  thus  well  acquaint- 
ed with  each  other ;  and  though,  as  public  men, 
they  were  enemies,  in  private  and  personally 
they  were  very  good  friends. 

Pyrrhus  had  a  physician  in  his  service  named 
Nicias.  This  man  conceived  the  design  of  offer- 


B.C.279.]         NEGOTIATIONS.  157 

Nicias.  Pyrrhus's  physician.  His  treachery. 

ing  to  the  Romans  to  poison  his  master  on  con- 
dition of  receiving  a  suitable  reward.  He  ac- 
cordingly wrote  a  letter  to  Fabricius  making 
the  proposal.  Fabricius  immediately  communi- 
cated the  letter  to  his  colleague,  and  they  both 
concurred  in  the  decision  to  inform  Pyrrhus  him- 
self of  the  offer  which  had  been  made  them,  and 
put  him  on  his  guard  against  the  domestic  trai- 
tor. They  accordingly  sent  him  the  letter  which 
they  had  received,  accompanied  by  one  from 
themselves,  of  the  following  tenor : 

"  Caius  Fabricius  and  Quintus  .ZEmilius  to 
King  Pyrrhus,  greeting : 

"  You  seem  to  be  as  unfortunate  in  the  choice 
of  your  friends  as  you  are  in  that  of  your  ene- 
mies. The  letter  which  we  send  herewith  will 
satisfy  you  that  those  around  you,  on  whom  you 
rely,  are  wholly  unworthy  of  your  confidence. 
You  are  betrayed;  your  very  physician,  the 
man  who  ought  to  be  most  faithful  to  you,  of- 
fers to  poison  you.  We  give  you  this  informa- 
tion, not  out  of  any  particular  friendship  for  you, 
but  because  we  do  not  wish  to  be  suspected  of 
conniving  at  an  assassination — a  crime  which 
we  detest  and  abhor.  Besides,  we  do  not  wish 
to  be  deprived  of  the  opportunity  of  showing  the 
world  that  we  are  able  to  meet  and  conquer  you 
in  open  war." 


158  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  279. 

A  generous  exchange  of  prisoners.  No  peace. 

Pyrrhus  was  very  much  struck  with  what  he 
considered  the  extraordinary  generosity  of  his 
enemies.  He  immediately  collected  together 
all  the  prisoners  that  he  had  taken  from  the  Ro- 
mans, and  sent  them  home  to  the  Roman  camp, 
as  a  token  of  acknowledgment  and  gratitude  on 
his  part  for  the  high  and  honorable  course  of  ac- 
tion which  his  adversaries  had  adopted.  They, 
however,  Roman-like,  would  not  accept  such  a 
token  without  making  a  corresponding  return, 
and  they  accordingly  sent  home  to  Pyrrhus  a 
body  of  Greek  prisoners  equal  in  number  and 
rank  to  those  whom  Pyrrhus  had  set  free. 

All  these  things  tended  to  increase  the  disin- 
clination of  Pyrrhus  to  press  the  further  prose- 
cution of  the  war.  He  became  more  and  more 
desirous  every  day  to  make  peace  with  the  Ro- 
mans, preferring  very  much  that  such  a  people 
should  be  his  allies  rather  than  his  enemies. 
They,  however,  firmly  and  pertinaciously  re- 
fused to  treat  with  him  on  any  terms,  unless,  as 
a  preliminary  step,  he  would  go  back  to  his  own 
dominions.  This  he  thought  he  could  not  do 
with  honor.  He  was  accordingly  much  per- 
plexed, and  began  earnestly  to  wish  that  some- 
thing would  occur  to  furnish  him  with  a  plaus- 
ible pretext  for  retiring  from  Italy. 


B.C.291.]  THE  SICILIAN  CAMPAIGN.  159 

Lanassa.  The  tyrant  her  lather.  His  adventures. 


CHAPTER  VII. 
THE  SICILIAN  CAMPAIGN. 

r  I  THE  fact  has  already  been  mentioned  that 
-*-  one  of  the  wives  whom  Pyrrhus  had  mar- 
ried after  the  death  of  Antigone,  the  Egyptian 
princess,  was  Lanassa,  the  daughter  of  Agatho- 
cles,  the  King  of  Sicily.  Agathocles  was  a  ty- 
rannical monster  of  the  worst  description.  His 
army  was  little  better  than  an  organized  band 
of  robbers,  at  the  head  of  which  he  went 
forth  on  marauding  and  plundering  expeditions 
among  all  the  nations  that  were  within  his 
reach.  He  made  these  predatory  excursions 
sometimes  into  Italy,  sometimes  into  the  Car- 
thaginian territories  on  the  African  coast,  and 
sometimes  among  the  islands  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean Sea.  In  these  campaigns  he  met  with  a 
great  variety  of  adventures,  and  experienced 
every  possible  fate  that  the  fortune  of  war  could 
bring.  Sometimes  he  was  triumphant  over  all 
who  opposed  him,  and  became  intoxicated  with 
prosperity  and  success.  At  other  times,  through 
his  insane  and  reckless  folly,  he  would  involve 


160  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  291. 

Agathocles's  flight  from  Africa.  Terrible  consequences. 

himself  in  the  most  desperate  difficulties,  and 
was  frequently  compelled  to  give  up  every  thing, 
and  to  fly  alone  in  absolute  destitution  from  the 
field  of  his  attempted  exploits  to  save  his  life. 

On  one  such  occasion,  he  abandoned  an  army 
in  Africa,  which  he  had  taken  there  on  one  of 
his  predatory  enterprises,  and,  flying  secretly 
from  the  camp,  he  made  his  escape  with  a  small 
number  of  attendants,  leaving  the  army  to  its 
fate.  His  flight  was  so  sudden  on  this  occa- 
sion that  he  left  his  two  sons  behind  him  in  the 
hands  and  at  the  mercy  of  the  soldiers.  The 
soldiers,  as  soon  as  they  found  that  Agathocles 
had  gone  and  left  them,  were  so  enraged  against 
him  that  they  put  his  sons  to  death  on  the  spot, 
and  then  surrendered  in  a  body  to  the  enemy. 
Agathocles,  when  the  tidings  of  this  transaction 
came  to  him  in  Sicily,  was  enraged  against  the 
soldiers  in  his  turn,  and,  in  order  to  revenge 
himself  upon  them,  he  immediately  sought  out 
from  among  the  population  of  the  country  their 
wives  and  children,  their  brothers  and  sisters, 
and  all  who  were  in  any  way  related  to  them. 
These  innocent  representatives  of  the  absent  of- 
fenders he  ordered  to  be  seized  and  slain,  and 
their  bodies  to  be  cast  into  the  sea  toward  Afri- 
ca as  an  expression  of  revengeful  triumph  and 


B.C.291.]  THE  SICILIAN  CAMPAIGN.  161 

The  sea  dyed  with  blood.  Shocking  story. 

defiance.  So  great  was  the  slaughter  on  this 
occasion,  that  the  waters  of  the  sea  were  dyed 
with  blood  to  a  great  distance  from  the  shore. 

Of  course,  such  cruelty  as  this  could  not  be 
practiced  without  awakening,  on  the  part  of 
those  who  suffered  from  it,  a  spirit  of  hatred 
and  revenge.  Plots  and  conspiracies  without 
number  were  formed  against  the  tyrant's  life, 
and  in  his  later  years  he  lived  in  continual  ap- 
prehension and  distress.  His  fate,  however, 
was  still  more  striking  as  an  illustration  of  the 
manner  in  which  the  old  age  of  ambitious  and 
unprincipled  men  is  often  embittered  by  the 
ingratitude  and  wickedness  of  their  children. 
Agathocles  had  a  grandson  named  Archagathus, 
who,  if  all  the  accounts  are  true,  brought  the 
old  king's  gray  hairs  in  sorrow  to  the  grave. 
The  story  is  too  shocking  to  be  fully  believed, 
but  it  is  said  that  this  grandson  first  murdered 
Agathocles's  son  and  heir,  his  own  uncle,  in  or- 
der that  he  might  himself  succeed  to  the  throne 
— his  own  father,  who  would  have  been  the 
next  heir,  being  dead.  Then,  not  being  willing 
to  wait  until  the  old  king  himself  should  die, 
he  began  to  form  plots  against  his  life,  and 
against  the  lives  of  the  remaining  members  of 
the  family.  Although  several  of  Agathocles's 

22—11 


162  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  291. 

Texina  and  her  children.  Extraordinary  story. 

sons  were  dead,  having  been  destroyed  by  vio- 
lence, or  having  fallen  in  war,  he  had  a  wife, 
named  Texina,  and  two  children  still  remaining 
alive.  The  king  was  so  anxious  in  respect  to 
these  children,  on  account  of  Archagathus,  that 
he  determined  to  send  them  with  their  mother 
to  Egypt,  in  order  to  place  them  beyond  the 
reach  of  their  merciless  nephew.  Texina  was 
very  unwilling  to  consent  to  such  a  measure. 
For  herself  and  her  sons  the  proposed  retiring 
into  Egypt  was  little  better  than  going  into  ex- 
ile, and  she  was,  moreover,  extremely  reluctant 
to  leave  her  husband  alone  in  Syracuse,  exposed 
to  the  machinations  and  plots  which  his  unnat- 
ural grandson  might  form  against  him.  She, 
however,  finally  submitted  to  the  hard  necessi- 
ty and  went  away,  bidding  her  husband  fare- 
well with  many  tears.  Very  soon  after  her  de- 
parture her  husband  died. 

The  story  that  is  told  of  the  manner  of  his 
death  is  this :  There  was  in  his  court  a  man 
named  Msenon,  whom  Agathocles  had  taken 
captive  when  a  youth,  and  ever  since  retained 
in  his  court.  Though  originally  a  captive, 
taken  in  war,  Maenon  had  been  made  a  favor- 
ite with  Agathocles,  and  had  been  raised  to  a 
high  position  in  his  service.  The  indulgence, 


B.C.291.]  THE  SICILIAN  CAMPAIGN.  163 

Maenon's  contrivance  for  administering  poison. 

however,  and  the  favoritism  with  which  he  had 
been  regarded,  were  not  such  as  to  'awaken  any 
sentiments  of  gratitude  in  Msenon's  mind,  or  to 
establish  any  true  and  faithful  friendship  be- 
tween him  and  his  master  ;  and  Archagathus, 
the  grandson,  found  means  of  inducing  him  to 
undertake  to  poison  the  king.  As  all  the  ordi- 
nary modes  of  administering  poison  were  pre- 
cluded by  the  vigilance  and  strictness  with 
which  the  usual  avenues  of  approach  to  the 
king  were  guarded,  Msenon  contrived  to  accom- 
plish his  end  by  poisoning  a  quill  which  the 
king  was  subsequently  to  use  as  a  tooth-pick. 
The  poison  was  insinuated  thus  into  the  teeth 
and  gums  of  the  victim,  where  it  soon  took  ef- 
fect, producing  dreadful  ulceration  and  intoler- 
able pain.  The  infection  of  the  venom  after  a 
short  time  pervaded  the  whole  system  of  the 
sufferer,  and  brought  him  to  the  brink  of  the 
grave  ;  and  at  last,  finding  that  he  was  speech- 
less, and  apparently  insensible,  his  ruthless  mur- 
derers, fearing,  perhaps,  that  he  might  revive 
again,  hurried  him  to  the  funeral  pile  before 
life  was  extinct,  and  the  fire  finished  the  work 
that  the  poison  had  begun. 

The  declaration  of  Scripture,  "  They  that 
take  the  sword  shall  perish  by  the  sword,"  is 


164  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  289. 

Dangers  of  usurpation.  Msenon's  career. 

illustrated  and  confirmed  by  the  history  of  al- 
most every  ancient  tyrant.  We  find  that  they 
almost  all  come  at  last  to  some  terrible  end. 
The  man  who  usurps  a  throne  by  violence 
seems,  in  all  ages  and  among  all  nations,  very 
sure  to  be  expelled  from  it  by  greater  violence, 
after  a  brief  period  of  power ;  and  he  who  pois- 
ons or  assassinates  a  precedent  rival  whom  he 
wishes  to  supplant,  is  almost  invariably  cut  off 
by  the  poison  or  the  dagger  of  a  following  one, 
who  wishes  to  supplant  him. 

The  death  of  Agathocles  took  place  about 
nine  years  before  the  campaign  of  Pyrrhus  in 
Italy,  as  described  in  the  last  chapter,  and  dur- 
ing that  period  the  kingdom  of  Sicily  had  been 
in  a  very  distracted  state.  Meenon,  immediate- 
ly after  the  poisoning  of  the  king,  fled  to  the 
camp  of  Archagathus,  who  was  at  that  time  in 
command  of  an  army  at  a  distance  from  the 
city.  Here,  in  a  short  time,  he  contrived  to  as- 
sassinate Archagathus,  and  to  seize  the  supreme 
power.  It  was  not  long,  however,  before  new 
claimants  and  competitors  for  possession  of  the 
throne  appeared,  and  new  wars  broke  out,  in 
the  course  of  which  Msenon  was  deposed.  At 
length,  in  the  midst  of  the  contests  and  com- 
motions that  prevailed,  two  of  the  leading  gen- 


B.C. 279.]  THE  SICILIAN  CAMPAIGN.  165 

Pyrrhus  receives  two  tempting  invitations. 

erals  of  the  Sicilian  army  conceived  the  idea  of 
bringing  forward  Pyrrhus's  son  by  Lanassa  as 
the  heir  to  the  crown.  This  prince  was,  of 
course,  the  grandson  of  the  old  King  Agathocles, 
and,  as  there  was  no  other  descendant  of  the 
royal  line  at  hand  who  could  be  made  the  rep- 
resentative of  the  ancient  monarchy,  it  was 
thought,  by  the  generals  above  referred  to,  that 
the  only  measure  which  afforded  any  hope  of 
restoring  peace  to  the  country  was  to  send  an 
embassy  to  Pyrrhus,  and  invite  him  to  come 
and  place  his  young  son  upon  the  throne.  The 
name  of  Lanassa's  son  was  Alexander.  He  was 
a  boy,  perhaps  at  this  time  about  twelve  years 
old. 

At  the  same  time  that  Pyrrhus  received  the 
invitation  to  go  to  Sicily,  a  message  came  to 
him  from  certain  parties  in  Greece,  informing 
him  that,  on  account  of  some  revolutions  which 
had  taken  place  there,  a  very  favorable  oppor- 
tunity was  afforded  him  to  secure  for  himself 
the  throne  of  that  country,  and  urging  him  to 
come  and  make  the  attempt.  Pyrrhus  was  for 
some  time  quite  undecided  which  of  these  two 
proposals  to  accept.  The  prize  offered  him  in 
Greece  was  more  tempting,  but  the  expedition 
into  Sicily  seemed  to  promise  more  certain  suo- 


166  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  279. 

Pyrrhus's  perplexity.  He  decides  to  go  to  Sicily. 

oess.  While  revolving  the  question  in  his  mind 
which  conquest  he  should  first  undertake,  he 
complained  of  the  tantalizing  cruelty  of  fortune, 
in  offering  him  two  such  tempting  prizes  at  the 
same  time,  so  as  to  compel  him  to  forego  either 
the  one  or  the  other.  At  length  he  decided  to 
go  first  to  Sicily. 

It  was  said  that  one  reason  which  influenced 
his  mind  very  strongly  in  making  this  decision 
was  the  fact  tliat  Sicily  was  so  near  the  coast 
of  Africa ;  and  the  Sicilians  being  involved  in 
wars  with  the  Carthaginians,  he  thought  that, 
if  successful  in  his  operations  in  Sicily,  the  way 
would  be  open  for  him  to  make  an  expedition 
into  Africa,  in  which  case  he  did  not  doubt  but 
that  he  should  be  able  soon  to  overturn  the  Car- 
thaginian power,  and  add  all  the  northern  coasts 
of  Africa  to  his  dominions.  His  empire  would 
thus  embrace  Epirus,  the  whole  southern  part 
of  Italy,  Sicily,  and  the  coasts  of  Africa.  He 
could  afterward,  he  thought,  easily  add  Greece, 
and  then  his  dominions  would  include  all  the 
wealthy  aud  populous  countries  surrounding 
the  most  important  part  of  the  Mediterranean 
Sea.  His  government  would  thus  become  a 
naval  power  of  the  first  class,  and  any  further 
extension  of  his  sway  which  he  might  subse- 
quently desire  could  easily  be  accomplished. 


B.C.279.]  THE  SICILIAN  CAMPAIGN.  167 

He  makes  great  preparations  at  Tarentum. 

In  a  word,  Pyrrhus  decided  first  to  proceed  ta 
Sicily,  and  to  postpone  for  a  brief  period  his  de- 
signs on  Greece. 

He  accordingly  proceeded  to  withdraw  his 
troops  from  the  interior  of  the  country  in  Italy, 
and  concentrate  them  in  and  around  Tarentum. 
He  began  to  make  naval  preparations,  too,  on  a 
very  extensive  scale.  The  port  of  Tarentum 
soon  presented  a  very  busy  scene.  The  work 
of  building  and  repairing  ships—of  fabricating 
sails  and  rigging — of  constructing  and  arming 
galleys— of  disciplining  and  training  crews — of 
laying  in  stores  of  food  and  of  implements  of 
war,  went  on  with  great  activity,  and  engaged 
universal  attention.  The  Tarentines  themselves 
stood  by,  while  all  these  preparations  were  go- 
ing on,  rather  as  spectators  of  the  scene  than  as 
active  participants.  Pyrrhus  had  taken  the  ab- 
solute command  of  their  city  and  government, 
and  was  exercising  supreme  power,  as  if  he 
were  the  acknowledged  sovereign  of  the  coun- 
try. He  had  been  invited  to  come  over  from 
his  own  kingdom  to  help  the  Tarentines,  not  to 
govern  them  ;  but  he  had  seized  the  sovereign 
power,  justifying  the  seizure,  as  is  usual  with 
military  men  under  similar  circumstances,  by 
the  necessity  of  the  case.  "  There  must  be  nr- 


168  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  279. 

The  Tarentines  remonstrate.  Their  arguments. 

der  and  submission  to  authority  in  the  city,"  he 
said,  "  or  we  can  make  no  progress  in  subduing 
our  enemies."  The  Tarentines  had  thus  been 
induced  to  submit  to  his  assumption  of  power, 
convinced,  perhaps,  partly  by  his  reasoning,  and, 
at  all  events,  silenced  by  the  display  of  force  by 
which  it  was  accompanied  ;  and  they  had  con- 
soled themselves  under  a  condition  of  things 
which  they  could  not  prevent,  by  considering 
that  it  was  better  to  yield  to  a  temporary  for- 
eign domination,  than  to  be  wholly  overwhelm- 
ed, as  there  was  every  probability,  before  Pyr- 
rhus  came  to  them,  that  they  would  be,  by  their 
domestic  foes. 

When,  however,  they  found  that  Pyrrhus  was 
intending  to  withdraw  from  them,  and  to  go  to 
Sicily,  without  having  really  effected  their  de- 
liverance from  the  danger  which  threatened 
them,  they  at  first  remonstrated  against  the  de- 
sign. They  wished  him  to  remain  and  finish 
the  work  which  he  had  begun.  The  Romans 
had  been  checked,  but  they  had  not  been  sub- 
dued. Pyrrhus  ought  not,  they  said,  to  go  away 
and  leave  them  until  their  independence  and 
freedom  had  been  fully  established.  They  re- 
monstrated with  him  against  his  design,  but 
their  remonstrances  proved  wholly  unavailing. 


B.C. 278.]  THE   SICILIAN  CAMPAIGN.  169 

Pyrrhus  sends  Cineas  in  advance  to  Sicily. 

"When  at  length  the  Tarentines  found  that 
Pyrrhus  was  determined  to  go  to  Sicily,  they 
then  desired  that  he  should  withdraw  his  troops 
from  their  country  altogether,  and  leave  them 
to  themselves.  This,  however,  Pyrrhus  refused 
to  do.  He  had  no  intention  of  relinquishing  the 
power  which  he  had  acquired  in  Italy,  and  he 
accordingly  began  to  make  preparations  for 
leaving  a  strong  garrison  in  Tarentum  to  main- 
tain his  government  there.  He  organized  a  sort 
jf  regency  in  the  city,  and  set  apart  a  sufficient 
force  from  his  army  to  maintain  it  in  power  dur- 
ing his  absence.  When  this  was  done,  he  began 
to  make  preparations  for  transporting  the  rest 
of  his  force  to  Sicily  by  sea. 

He  determined  to  send  Cineas  forward  first, 
according  to  his  usual  custom,  to  make  the  pre- 
liminary arrangements  in  Sicily.  Cineas  con- 
sequently left  Tarentum  with  a  small  squadron 
of  ships  and  galleys,  and,  after  a  short  voyage, 
arrived  safely  at  Syracuse.  He  found  the  lead- 
ing powers  in  that  city  ready  to  welcome  Pyr- 
rhus as  soon  as  he  should  arrive,  and  make  the 
young  Alexander  king.  Cineas  completed  and 
closed  the  arrangements  for  this  purpose,  and 
then  sent  messengers  to  various  other  cities  on 
the  northern  side  of  the  island,  making  known 


170  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  278. 

Form  of  Sicily.  Situation  of  Messana. 

to  them  the  design  which  had  been  formed  of 
raising  an  heir  of  King  Agathocles  to  the  throne, 
and  asking  their  co-operation  in  it.  He  man- 
aged these  negotiations  with  so  much  prudence 
and  skill,  that  nearly  all  that  part  of  the  island 
which  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Sicilians  readily 
acceded  to  the  plan,  and  the  people  were  every 
where  prepared  to  welcome  Pyrrhus  and  the 
young  prince  as  soon  as  they  should  arrive. 

Sicily,  as  will  be  seen  by  referring  to  the  map, 
is  of  a  triangular  form.  It  was  only  the  south- 
ern portion  which  was  at  this  time  in  the  hands 
of  the  Sicilians.  There  were  two  foreign  and 
hostile  powers  in  possession,  respectively,  of  the 
northeastern  and  northwestern  portions.  In  the 
northeastern  corner  of  the  island  was  the  city 
of  Messana — the  Messina  of  modern  days.  In 
the  time  of  Pyrrhus's  expedition,  Messana  was 
the  seat  and  stronghold  of  a  warlike  nation,  call- 
ed the  Mamertines,  who  had  come  over  from  It- 
aly across  the  Straits  of  Messana  some  years  be- 
fore, and,  having  made  themselves  masters  of 
that  portion  of  the  island,  had  since  held  their 
ground  there,  notwithstanding  all  the  efforts  of 
the  Sicilians  to  expel  them.  The  Mamertines 
had  originally  come  into  Sicily,  it  was  said,  as 
Pyrrhus  had  gone  into  Italy  —  by  invitation. 


B.C. 278.]   THE  SICILIAN  CAMPAIGN.    171 

Conduct  of  the  Mamertines  in  Sicily. 

Agathocles  sent  for  them  to  come  and  aid  him 
in  some  of  his  wars.  After  the  object  for  which 
they  had  been  sent  for  had  been  accomplished, 
Agathocles  dismissed  his  auxiliaries,  and  they 
set  out  on  their  return.  They  proceeded  through 
the  northeastern  part  of  the  island  to  Messana, 
where  they  were  to  embark  for  Italy.  Though 
they  had  rendered  Agathocles  very  efficient  aid 
in  his  campaigns,  they  had  also  occasioned  him 
an  infinite  deal  of  trouble  by  their  turbulent 
and  ungovernable  spirit ;  and  now,  as  they  were 
withdrawing  from  the  island,  the  inhabitants  of 
the  country  through  which  they  passed  on  the 
way  regarded  them  every  where  with  terror  and 
dread.  The  people  of  Messana,  anxious  to  avoid 
a  quarrel  with  them,  and  disposed  to  facilitate 
their  peaceable  departure  from  the  land  by  ev- 
ery means  in  their  power,  received  them  into 
the  city,  and  hospitably  entertained  them  there. 
Instead,  however,  of  quietly  withdrawing  from 
the  city  in  proper  time,  as  the  Messanians  had 
expected  them  to  do,  they  rose  suddenly  and 
unexpectedly  upon  the  people,  at  a  concerted 
signal,  took  possession  of  the  city,  massacred 
without  mercy  all  the  men,  seized  the  women 
and  children,  and  then,  each  one  establishing 
himself  in  the  household  that  choice  or  chance 


172  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  278. 

The  Mamertines  take  complete  possession  of  Messana. 

assigned  him,  married  the  wife  and  adopted  the 
children  whose  husband  and  father  he  had  mur- 
dered. The  result  was  the  most  complete  and 
extraordinary  overturning  that  the  history  of 
the  world  can  afford.  It  was  a  political,  a  so- 
cial, and  a  domestic  revolution  all  in  one. 

This  event  took  place  many  years  before  the 
time  of  Pyrrhus's  expedition  ;  and  though  dur- 
ing the  interval  the  Sicilians  had  made  many 
efforts  to  dispossess  the  intruders  and  to  recover 
possession  of  Messana,  they  had  not  been  able 
to  accomplish  the  work.  The  Mamertines  main- 
tained their  ground  in  Messana,  and  from  that 
city,  as  their  fortress  and  stronghold,  they  ex- 
tended their  power  over  a  considerable  portion 
of  the  surrounding  country. 

This  territory  of  the  Mamertines  was  in  the 
northeastern  part  of  the  island.  In  the  north- 
western part,  on  the  other  hand,  there  was  a 
large  province  in  the  hands  of  the  Carthagini- 
ans. Their  chief  city  was  Eryx  ;  though  there 
was  another  important  city  and  port,  called 
Lilybaeum,  which  was  situated  to  the  southward 
of  Eryx,  on  the  sea-shore.  Here  the  Carthagini- 
ans were  accustomed  to  land  their  re-enforce- 
ments and  stores ;  and  by  means  of  the  ready 
and  direct  communication  which  they  could 


B.C. 278.]   THE  SICILIAN  CAMPAIGN.  173 

Three  objects  to  be  accomplished  in  Sicily. 

thus  keep  up  with  Carthage  itself,  they  were 
enabled  to  resist  all  the  efforts  which  the  Sicil- 
ians had  made  to  dispossess  them. 

There  were  thus  three  objects  to  be  accom- 
plished by  Pyrrhus  in  Sicily  before  his  dominion 
over  the  island  could  be  complete — namely,  the 
Sicilians  themselves,  in  the  southern  and  central 
parts  of  the  island,  were  to  be  conciliated  and 
combined,  and  induced  to  give  up  their  intes- 
tine quarrels,  and  to  acknowledge  the  young 
Alexander  as  the  king  of  the  island ;  and  then 
the  Mamertines  on  the  northeast  part,  and  the 
Carthaginians  in  the  northwest,  were  to  be  con- 
quered and  expelled. 

The  work  was  done,  so  far  as  related  to  the 
Sicilians  themselves,  mainly  by  Cineas.  His 
dexterous  negotiations  healed,  in  a  great  meas- 
ure, the  quarrels  which  prevailed  among  the 
people,  and  prepared  the  way  for  welcoming 
Pyrrhus  and  the  young  prince,  as  soon  as  they 
should  appear.  In  respect  to  the  Carthaginians 
and  the  Mamertines,  nothing,  of  course,  could 
be  attempted  until  the  fleets  and  armies  should 
arrive. 

At  length  the  preparations  for  the  sailing  of 
the  expedition  from  Tarentum  were  completed. 
The  fleet  consisted  of  two  hundred  sail.  The 


PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  278. 


The  grand  expedition  sails  to  Sicily. 


immense  squadron,  every  vessel  of  which  was 
crowded  with  armed  men,  left  the  harbor  of 
Tarentum,  watched  hy  a  hundred  thousand 
spectators  who  had  assembled  to  witness  its 
departure,  and  slowly  made  its  way  along  the 
Italian  shores,  while  its  arrival  at  Syracuse  was 
the  object  of  universal  expectation  and  interest 
in  that  city.  When  at  length  the  fleet  appear- 
ed in  view,  entering  its  port  of  destination,  the 
whole  population  of  the  city  and  of  the  sur- 
rounding country  flocked  to  the  shores  to  wit- 
ness the  spectacle.  Through  the  efforts  which 
had  been  made  by  Cineas,  and  in  consequence 
of  the  measures  which  he  had  adopted,  all  ranks 
and  classes  of  men  were  ready  to  welcome  Pyr- 
rhus  as  an  expected  deliverer.  In  the  name  of 
the  young  prince,  his  son,  he  was  to  re-establish 
the  ancient  monarchy,  restore  peace  and  har- 
mony to  the  land,  and  expel  the  hated  foreign 
enemies  that  infested  the  confines  of  it.  Ac- 
cordingly, when  the  fleet  arrived,  and  Pyrrhus 
and  his  troops  landed  from  it,  they  were  re- 
ceived by  the  whole  population  with  loud  and 
tumultuous  acclamations. 

After  the  festivities  and  rejoicings  which  were 
instituted  to  celebrate  Pyrrhus's  arrival  were 
concluded,  the  young  Alexander  was  proclaim- 


B.C.  278.]  THE  SICILIAN  CAMPAIGN.  175 

He  determines  to  take  Egypt  by  storm. 

ed  king,  and  a  government  was  instituted  in  his 
name — Pyrrhus  himself,  of  course,  being  invest- 
ed with  all  actual  power.  Pyrrhus  then  took 
the  field  ;  and,  on  mustering  his  forces,  he  found 
himself  at  the  head  of  thirty  or  forty  thousand 
men.  He  first  proceeded  to  attack  the  Cartha- 
ginians. He  marched  to  the  part  of  the  island 
which  they  held,  and  gave  them  battle  in  the 
most  vigorous  and  determined  manner.  They 
retreated  to  their  cities,  and  shut  themselves  up 
closely  within  the  walls.  Pyrrhus  advanced  to 
attack  them.  He  determined  to  carry  Eryx, 
which  was  the  strongest  of  the  Carthaginian 
cities,  by  storm,  instead  of  waiting  for  the  slow 
operations  of  an  ordinary  siege.  The  troops 
were  accordingly  ordered  to  advance  at  once  to 
the  walls,  and  there  mounting,  by  means  of  in- 
numerable ladders,  to  the  parapets  above,  they 
were  to  force  their  way  in,  over  the  defenses  of 
the  city,  in  spite  of  all  opposition.  Of  course, 
such  a  service  as  this  is,  of  all  the  duties  ever 
required  of  the  soldier,  the  most  dangerous  pos- 
sible. The  towers  and  parapets  above,  which 
the  assailants  undertake  to  scale,  are  covered 
with  armed  men,  who  throng  to  the  part  of  the 
wall  against  which  the  attack  is  to  be  directed, 
and  stand  there  ready  with  spears,  javelins, 


176  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  278. 

Pyrrhus  at  the  head  of  the  column. 

rocks,  and  every  other  conceivable  missile,  to 
hurl  upon  the  heads  of  the  besiegers  coming  up 
the  ladders. 

Pyrrhus,  however,  whatever  may  have  been 
his  faults  in  other  respects,  seems  to  have  been, 
very  little  inclined  at  any  time  to  order  his  sol- 
diers to  encounter  any  danger  which  he  was 
not  willing  himself  to  share.  He  took  the  head 
of  the  column  in  the  storming  of  Eryx,  and  was 
the  first  to  mount  the  ladders.  Previous,  how- 
ever, to  advancing  for  the  attack,  he  performed 
a  grand  religious  ceremony,  in  which  he  im- 
plored the  assistance  of  the  god  Hercules  in  the 
encounter  which  was  about  to  take  place  ;  and 
made  a  solemn  vow  that  if  Hercules  would  as- 
sist him  in  the  conflict,  so  as  to  enable  him  to 
display  before  the  Sicilians  such  strength  and 
valor,  and  to  perform  such  feats  as  should  be 
worthy  of  his  name,  his  ancestry,  and  his  past 
history,  he  would,  immediately  after  the  battle, 
institute  on  the  spot  a  course  of  festivals  and 
sacrifices  of  the  most  imposing  and  magnificent 
character  in  honor  of  the  god.  This  vow  being 
made,  the  trumpet  sounded  and  the  storming 
party  went  forward — Pyrrhus  at  the  head  of  it. 
In  mounting  the  ladder,  he  defended  himself 
with  his  shield  from  the  missiles  thrown  down 


B.C. 278.]  THE  SICILIAN  CAMPAIGN.  177 


Combat  on  the  walls. 


Pyrrhus  victorious. 


upon  him  from  above  until  he  reached  the  top 
of  the  wall,  and  there,  by  means  of  his  prodig- 


THE  ASSAULT. 


ious  strength,  and  desperate  and  reckless  brave- 
ry, he  soon  gained  ground  for  those  that  follow- 
ed him,  and  established  a  position  there  both  for 
himself  and  for  them,  having  cut  down  one  aft- 
er another  those  who  attempted  to  oppose  him, 
until  he  had  surrounded  himself  with  a  sort  of 
parapet,  formed  of  the  bodies  of  the  dead. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  whole  line  of  ladders 
extending  along  the  wall  were  crowded  with 

22—12 


178  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  278. 

Grand  celebration.  Result  of  the  battle. 

men,  all  forcing  their  way  upward  against  the 
resistance  which  the  besieged  opposed  to  them 
from  above ;  while  thousands  of  troops,  drawn 
up  below  as  near  as  possible  to  the  scene  of  con- 
flict, were  throwing  a  shower  of  darts,  arrows, 
javelins,  spears,  and  other  missiles,  to  aid  the 
storming  party  by  driving  away  the  besieged 
from  the  top  of  the  wall.  By  these  means  those 
who  were  mounting  the  ladders  were  so  much 
aided  in  their  efforts  that  they  soon  succeeded 
in  gaining  possession  of  the  wall,  and  thus  made 
themselves  masters  of  the  city. 

Pyrrhus  then,  in  fulfillment  of  his  vow,  insti- 
tuted a  great  celebration,  and  devoted  several 
days  to  games,  spectacles,  shows,  and  public  re- 
joicings of  all  kinds,  intended  to  express  his  de- 
vout gratitude  to  Hercules  for  the  divine  assist- 
ance which  the  god  had  vouchsafed  to  him  in 
the  assault  by  which  the  city  had  been  carried. 

By  the  result  of  this  battle,  and  of  some  oth- 
er military  operations  which  we  can  not  here 
particularly  describe,  the  Carthaginians  were 
driven  from  the  open  field  and  compelled  to 
shut  themselves  up  in  their  strongholds,  or  re- 
tire to .  the  fastnesses  of  the  mountains,  where 
they  found  places  of  refuge  and  defense  from 
which  Pyrrhus  could  not  at  once  dislodge  them. 


H.C.278.]  THE  SICILIAN  CAMPAIGN.  179 

He  attacks  the  Mamertines.  Is  victorious. 

Accordingly,  leaving  things  at  present  as  they 
were  in  the  Carthaginian  or  western  part  of  the 
island,  he  proceeded  to  attack  the  Mamertines 
in  the  eastern  part.  He  was  equally  success- 
ful here.  By  means  of  the  tact  and  skill  which 
he  exercised  in  his  military  arrangements  and 
maneuvers,  and  by  the  desperate  bravery  and 
impetuosity  which  he  displayed  in  battle,  he 
conquered  wherever  he  came.  He  captured 
and  destroyed  many  of  the  strongholds  of  the 
Mamertines,  drove  them  entirely  out  of  the  open 
country,  and  shut  them  up  in  Messana.  Thus 
the  island  was  almost  wholly  restored  to  the 
possession  of  the  Sicilians,  while  yet  the  foreign 
intruders,  though  checked  and  restrained,  were 
not,  after  all,  really  expelled. 

The  Carthaginians  sent  messengers  to  him 
proposing  terms  of  peace.  Their  intention  was, 
in  these  proposals,  to  retain  their  province  in 
Sicily,  as  heretofore,  and  to  agree  with  Pyrrhus 
in  respect  to  a  boundary,  each  party  being  re- 
quired by  the  proposed  treaty  to  confine  them- 
selves within  their  respective  limits,  as  thus  as- 
certained. Pyrrhus,  however,  replied  that  he 
could  entertain  no  such  proposals.  He  answer- 
ed them  precisely  as  the  Romans  had  answered 
him  on  a  similar  occasion,  saying  that  he  should 


180  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  277. 

Pyrrhus  forms  new  schemes.  Want  of  seamen. 

insist  upon  their  first  retiring  from  Sicily  al- 
together, as  a  preliminary  step  to  any  negotia- 
tions whatever.  The  Carthaginians  would  not 
accede  to  this  demand,  and  so  the  negotiations 
were  suspended. 

Still  the  Carthaginians  were  so  securely  post- 
ed in  their  strongholds,  that  Pyrrhus  supposed 
the  work  of  dislodging  them  by  force  would  be 
a  slow,  and  tedious,  and  perhaps  doubtful  un- 
dertaking. His  bold  and  restless  spirit  accord- 
ingly conceived  the  design  of  leaving  them  as 
they  were,  and  going  on  in  the  prosecution  of 
his  original  design,  by  organizing  a  grand  ex- 
pedition for  the  invasion  of  Africa.  In  fact,  he 
thought  this  would  be  the  most  effectual  means 
of  getting  the  Carthaginians  out  of  Sicily ;  since 
he  anticipated  that,  if  he  were  to  land  in  Afri- 
ca, and  threaten  Carthage  itself,  the  authorities 
there  would  be  compelled  to  recall  all  their 
forces  from  foreign  lands  to  defend  their  own 
homes  and  firesides  at  the  capital.  He  determ- 
ined, therefore,  to  equip  his  fleet  for  a  voyage 
across  the  Mediterranean  without  any  delay. 

He  had  ships  enough,  but  he  was  in  want  of 
mariners.  In  order  to  supply  this  want,  he  be- 
gan to  impress  the  Sicilians  into  his  service. 
They  were  very  reluctant  to  engage  in  it,  part- 


B.C. 276.]  THE  SICILIAN  CAMPAIGN.  181 

The  Sicilians  are  opposed  to  his  plans. 

ly  from  natural  aversion  to  so  distant  and  dan- 
gerous an  enterprise,  and  partly  because  they 
were  unwilling  that  Pyrrhus  should  leave  the 
island  himself  until  their  foreign  foes  were  en- 
tirely expelled.  "  As  soon  as  you  have  gone," 
they  said,  "  the  Carthaginians  and  the  Mamer- 
tines  will  come  out  from  their  hiding-places  and 
retreats,  and  the  country  will  he  immediately 
involved  in  all  the  difficulties  from  which  you 
have  been  endeavoring  to  deliver  us.  All  your 
labor  will  have  been  lost,  and  we  shall  sink, 
perhaps,  into  a  more  deplorable  condition  than, 
ever." 

It  was  evident  that  these  representations 
were  true,  but  Pyrrhus  could  not  be  induced  to 
pay  any  heed  to  them.  He  was  determined  on 
carrying  into  effect  his  design  of  a  descent  upon 
the  coast  of  Africa.  He  accordingly  pressed  for- 
ward his  preparations  in  a  more  arbitrary  and 
reckless  spirit  than  ever.  He  became  austere, 
imperious,  and  tyrannical  in  his  measures.  He 
arrested  some  of  the  leading  generals  and  min- 
isters of  state — men  who  had  been  his  firmest 
friends,  and  through  whose  agency  it  was  that 
he  had  been  invited  into  Sicily,  but  whom  he 
now  suspected  of  being  unfriendly  to  his  de- 
signs. One  of  these  men  he  put  to  death.  In 


182  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  276 

Ceneral  rebellion  in  Sicily.  Pyrrhus's  character. 

the  mean  time,  he  pressed  forward  his  prepara- 
tions, compelling  men  to  join  his  army  and  to 
embark  on  board  his  fleet,  and  resorting  to  oth- 
er harsh  and  extreme  measures,  which  the  peo- 
ple might  perhaps  have  submitted  to  from  one 
of  their  own  hereditary  sovereigns,  but  which 
were  altogether  intolerable  when  imposed  upon 
them  by  a  foreign  adventurer,  who  had  come  to 
their  island  by  their  invitation,  to  accomplish  a 
prescribed  and  definite  duty.  In  a  word,  before 
Pyrrhus  was  ready  to  embark  on  his  African 
campaign,  a  general  rebellion  broke  out  all  over 
Sicily  against  his  authority.  Some  of  the  peo- 
ple joined  the  Mamertines,  some  the  Carthagin- 
ians. In  a  word,  the  whole  country  was  in  an 
uproar,  and  Pyrrhus  had  the  mortification  of  see- 
ing the  great  fabric  of  power  which,  as  he  imag- 
ined, he  had  been  so  successfully  rearing,  come 
tumbling  suddenly  on  all  sides  to  the  ground. 

As  the  reader  will  have  learned  long  before 
this  time,  it  was  not  the  nature  of  Pyrrhus  to 
remain  on  the  spot  and  grapple  with  difficulties 
like  these.  If  there  were  any  new  enterprise  to 
be  undertaken,  or  any  desperate  battle  to  be 
fought  on  a  sudden  emergency,  Pyrrhus  was 
always  ready  and  eager  for  action,  and  almost 
sure  of  success.  But  he  had  no  qualities  what- 


B.C.276.]  THE  SICILIAN  CAMPAIGN.  183 

lie  possesses  no  perseverance.  New  plan. 

ever  to  fit  him  for  the  exigencies  of  such  a  cri- 
sis as  this.  He  had  ardor  and  impetuosity,  but 
no  perseverance  or  decision.  He  could  fight, 
but  he  could  not  plan.  He  was  recklessly  and 
desperately  brave  in  encountering  physical  dan- 
ger, but,  when  involved  in  difficulties  and  em- 
barrassments, his  only  resource  was  to  fly.  Ac- 
cordingly, it  was  soon  announced  in  Sicily  that 
Pyrrhus  had  determined  to  postpone  his  plan  of 
proceeding  to  Africa,  and  was  going  back  to 
Tarentum,  whence  he  came.  He  had  received 
intelligence  from  Tarentum,  he  said,  that  re- 
quired his  immediate  return  to  that  city.  This 
was  probably  true ;  for  he  had  left  things  in  such 
a  condition  at  Tarentum,  that  he  was,  doubt- 
less, continually  receiving  such  intelligence  from 
that  quarter.  Whether  he  received  any  special 
or  extraordinary  summons  from  Tarentum  just 
at  this  time  is  extremely  uncertain.  He,  how- 
ever, pretended  that  such  a  message  had  come  ; 
and  under  this  pretense  he  sheltered  himself  in 
his  intended  departure,  so  as  just  to  escape  the 
imputation  of  being  actually  driven  away. 

His  enemies,  however,  did  not  intend  to  al- 
low him  to  depart  in  peace.  The  Carthagin- 
ians, being  apprised  of  his  design,  sent  a  fleet  to 
watch  the  coast  and  intercept  him ;  while  the 


184  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  276. 

Disastrous  attempt  to  get  back  to  Italy. 

Mamertines,  crossing  the  Strait,  marched  to  the 
place  on  the  coast  of  Italy  where  they  expected 
he  would  land,  intending  to  attack  him  as  soon 
as  he  should  set  foot  upon  the  shore.  Both  these 
plans  were  successful.  The  Carthaginians  at- 
tacked his  fleet,  and  destroyed  many  of  his 
ships.  Pyrrhus  himself  barely  succeeded  in 
making  his  escape  with  a  small  number  of  ves- 
sels, and  reaching  the  shore.  Here,  as  soon  as 
he  gained  the  land,  he  was  confronted  by  the 
Mamertines,  who  had  reached  the  place  before 
him  with  ten  thousand  men.  Pyrrhus  soon  col- 
lected from  the  ships  that  reached  the  land  a 
force  so  formidable  that  the  Mamertines  did  not 
dare  to  attack  him  in  a  body,  but  they  blocked 
up  the  passes  through  which  the  way  to  Taren- 
tum  lay,  and  endeavored  in  every  way  to  inter- 
cept and  harass  him  in  his  march.  They  killed 
two  of  his  elephants,  and  cut  off  many  separate 
detachments  of  men,  and  finally  deranged  all 
his  plans,  and  threw  his  whole  army  into  con- 
fusion. Pyrrhus  at  length  determined  to  force 
his  enemies  to  battle.  Accordingly,  as  soon  as 
a  favorable  opportunity  occurred,  he  pushed  for- 
ward at  the  head  of  a  strong  force,  and  attack- 
ed the  Mamertines  in  a  sudden  and  most  impet- 
uous manner. 


B.C. 276.]  THE  SICILIAN  CAMPAIGN.  185 

Terrible  conflict.  Pyrrhus  is  wounded  in  the  head. 

A  terrible  conflict  ensued,  in  which  Pyrrhus, 
as  usual,  exposed  himself  personally  in  the  most 
desperate  manner.  In  fact,  the  various  disap- 
pointments and  vexations  which  he  had  endured 
had  aroused  him  to  a  state  of  great  exaspera- 
tion against  his  tormenting  enemies.  He  push- 
ed forward  into  the  hottest  part  of  the  battle, 
his  prodigious  muscular  strength  enabling  him 
to  beat  down  and  destroy,  for  a  time,  all  who 
attempted  to  oppose  him. 

At  last,  however,  he  received  a  terrible  wound 
in  the  head,  which,  for  the  moment,  entirely 
disabled  him.  He  was  rescued  from  his  peril 
by  his  friends,  though  stunned  and  fainting  un- 
der the  blow,  and  was  borne  off  from  the  scene 
of  conflict  with  the  blood  flowing  down  his  face 
and  neck — a  frightful  spectacle.  On  being  car- 
ried to  a  place  of  safety  within  his  own  ranks, 
he  soon  revived,  and  it  was  found  that  he  was 
not  dangerously  hurt.  The  enemy,  however, 
full  of  rage  and  hatred,  came  up  as  near  as  they 
dared  to  the  spot  where  Pyrrhus  had  been  car- 
ried, and  stood  there,  calling  out  to  him  to  come 
back  if  he  was  still  alive,  and  filling  the  air  with 
taunting  and  insulting  cries,  and  vociferations 
of  challenge  and  defiance.  Pyrrhus  endured 
this  mockery  for  a  few  moments  as  well  as  he 


186  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  276. 

Shocking  spectacle.  The  Mamertine  champion. 

could,  but  was  finally  goaded  by  it  into  a  per- 
fect phrensy  of  rage.  He  seized  his  weapons, 
pushed  his  friends  and  attendants  aside,  and,  in 
spite  of  all  their  remonstrances  and  all  their  ef- 
forts to  restrain  him,  he  rushed  forth  and  as- 
sailed his  enemies  with  greater  fury  than  ever. 
Breathless  as  he  was  from  his  former  efforts, 
and  covered  with  blood  and  gore,  he  exhibited 
a  shocking  spectacle  to  all  who  beheld  him.  The 
champion  of  the  Mamertines — the  one  who  had 
been  foremost  in  challenging  Pyrrhus  to  return 
— came  up  to  meet  him  with  his  weapon  up- 
raised. Pyrrhus  parried  the  blow,  and  then, 
suddenly  bringing  down  his  own  sword  upon 
the  top  of  his  antagonist's  head,  he  cut  the  man 
down,  as  the  story  is  told,  from  head  to  foot, 
making  so  complete  a  division,  that  one  half  of 
the  body  fell  over  to  one  side,  and  the  other  half 
to  the  other. 

It  is  difficult,  perhaps,  to  assign  limits  to  the 
degree  of  physical  strength  which  the  human 
arm  is  capable  of  exerting.  This  fact,  however, 
of  cleaving  the  body  of  a  man  by  a  blow  from 
a  sword,  was  regarded  in  ancient  times  as  just 
on  the  line  of  absolute  impossibility,  and  was 
considered,  consequently,  as  the  highest  personal 
exploit  which  a  soldier  could  perform.  It  was 


B.C.276.]  THE  SICILIAN  CAMPAIGN.  187 

Pyrrhus  succeeds  in  reaching  Tarentum. 

attributed,  at  different  times,  to  several  different 
warriors,  though  it  is  not  believed  in  modern 
days  that  the  feat  was  ever  really  performed. 

But,  whatever  may  have  been  the  fate  of  the 
Mamertine  champion  under  Pyrrhus's  sword, 
the  army  itself  met  with  such  a  discomfiture  in 
the  battle  that  they  gave  Pyrrhus  no  further 
trouble,  but,  retiring  from  the  field,  left  him  to 
pursue  his  march  to  Tarentum  for  the  remain- 
der of  the  way  in  peace.  He  arrived  there  at 
last,  with  a  force  in  numbers  about  equal  to  that 
with  which  he  had  left  Tarentum  for  Sicily. 
The  whole  object,  however,  of  his  expedition 
had  totally  failed.  The  enterprise,  in  fact,  like 
almost  all  the  undertakings  which  Pyrrhus  en- 
gaged in,  though  brilliantly  and  triumphantly 
successful  in  the  beginning,  came  only  to  dis- 
appointment and  disaster  in  the  end. 


188  PYRRHUS.  [B.C. 276. 

State  of  Pyrrhus's  army.  His  enfeebled  condition. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
THE  RETREAT  FROM  ITALY. 

THE  force  with  which  Pyrrhus  returned  to 
Tarentum  was  very  nearly  as  large  as  that 
which  he  had  taken  away,  but  was  composed 
of  very  different  materials.  The  Greeks  from 
Epirus,  whom  he  had  brought  over  with  him  in 
the  first  instance  from  his  native  land,  had  grad- 
ually disappeared  from  the  ranks  of  his  army. 
Many  of  them  had  been  killed  in  battle,  and  still 
greater  numbers  had  been  carried  off  by  expo- 
sure and  fatigue,  and  by  the  thousand  other 
casualties  incident  to  such  a  service  as  that  in 
which  they  were  engaged.  Their  places  had 
been  supplied,  from  time  to  time,  by  new  en- 
listments, or  by  impressment  and  conscription. 
Of  course,  these  new  recruits  were  not  bound  to 
their  commander  by  any  ties  of  attachment  or 
regard.  They  were  mostly  mercenaries — that 
is,  men  hired  to  fight,  and  wining  to  fight,  in 
any  cause  or  for  any  commander,  provided  they 
could  be  paid.  In  a  word,  Pyrrhus's  fellow- 


B.C. 276.]  RETREAT  FROM  ITALY.        189 


Precarious  situation  of  his  affairs. 


countrymen  of  Epirus  had  disappeared,  and  the 
ranks  of  his  army  were  filled  up  with  unprinci- 
pled and  destitute  wretches,  who  felt  no  inter- 
est in  his  cause — no  pride  in  his  success — no 
concern  for  his  honor.  They  adhered  to  him 
only  for  the  sake  of  the  pay  and  the  indulgences 
of  a  soldier's  life,  and  for  their  occasional  hopes 
of  plunder. 

Besides  the  condition  of  his  army,  Pyrrhus 
found  the  situation  of  his  affairs  in  other  re- 
spects very  critical  on  his  arrival  at  Tarentum. 
The  Romans  had  made  great  progress,  during 
his  absence,  in  subjugating  the  whole  country 
to  their  sway.  Cities  and  towns,  which  had 
been  under  his  dominion  when  he  went  to  Sici- 
ly, had  been  taken  by  the  Romans,  or  had  gone 
over  to  them  of  then:  own  accord.  The  govern- 
ment which  he  had  established  at  Tarentum 
was  thus  curtailed  of  power,  and  shut  in  in  re- 
spect to  territory  ;  and  he  felt  himself  compel- 
led immediately  to  take  the  field,  in  order  to  re- 
cover his  lost  ground. 

He  adopted  vigorous  measures  immediately 
to  re-enforce  his  army,  and  to  obtain  the  neces- 
sary supplies.  His  treasury  was  exhausted  ;  in 
order  to  replenish  it,  he  dispatched  embassadors 
to  his  various  allies  to  borrow  money.  He  knew, 


190  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  276. 

Affair  of  Locri.  Pyrrtms  recaptures  it. 

of  course,  that  a  large  portion  of  his  army  would 
abandon  him  immediately  so  soon  as  they  should 
find  that  he  was  unable  to  pay  them.  He  was, 
therefore,  quite  uneasy  for  a  time  in  respect  to 
the  state  of  his  finances,  and  he  instructed  his 
embassadors  to  press  the  urgency  of  his  wants 
upon  his  allies  in  a  very  earnest  manner. 

He  did  not,  however,  wait  for  the  result  of 
these  measures,  but  immediately  commenced 
active  operations  in  the  field.  One  of  his  first 
exploits  was  the  recapture  of  Locri,  a  city  situ- 
ated on  the  southern  shore  of  Italy,  as  will  be 
seen  by  the  map.  This  city  had  been  in  his 
possession  before  he  went  to  Sicily,  but  it  had 
gone  over  to  the  Romans  during  his  absence. 
Locri  was  a  very  considerable  town,  and  the  re- 
covery of  it  from  the  Romans  was  considered 
quite  an  important  gain.  The  place  derived  its 
consequence,  in  some  considerable  degree,  from 
a  celebrated  temple  which  stood  there.  It  was 
the  temple  of  Proserpina,  the  Goddess  of  Death. 
This  temple  was  magnificent  in  its  structure, 
and  it  was  enriched  with  very  costly  and  valu- 
able treasures.  It  not  only  gave  distinction  to 
the  town  in  which  it  stood,  but,  on  account  of 
an  extraordinary  train  of  circumstances  which 
occurred  in  connection  with  it.  it  became  the 


B.C.276.J  RETREAT  FROM  ITALY.        191 

Proserpina,  the  Goddess  of  Death.  Explanations. 

occasion  of  one  of  the  most  important  incidents 
in  Pyrrhus's  history. 

Proserpina,  as  has  already  been  intimated, 
was  the  Groddess  of  Death.  It  is  very  difficult 
for  us  at  the  present  day  to  understand  and  ap- 
preciate the  conceptions  which  the  Greeks  and 
Romans,  in  ancient  times,  entertained  of  the 
supernatural  beings  which  they  worshiped  — 
those  strange  creations,  in  which  we  see  his- 
toric truth,  poetic  fancy,  and  a  sublime  super- 
stition so  singularly  blended.  To  aid  us  hi 
rightly  understanding  this  subject,  we  must  re- 
member that  in  those  days  the  boundaries  of 
what  was  known  as  actual  reality  were  very 
uncertain  and  vague.  Only  a  very  small  por- 
tion, either  of  the  visible  world  or  of  the  domain 
of  science  and  philosophy,  had  then  been  ex- 
plored ;  and  in  the  thoughts  and  conceptions  of 
every  man,  the  natural  and  the  true  passed  by 
insensible  gradations,  on  every  hand,  into  the 
monstrous  and  the  supernatural,  there  being 
no  principles  of  any  kind  established  in  men's 
minds  to  mark  the  boundaries  where  the  true 
and  the  possible  must  end,  and  all  beyond  be 
impossible  and  absurd.  The  knowledge,  there- 
fore, that  men  derived  from  the  observation  of 
such  truths  and  such  objects  as  were  immedi- 


192  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  276. 

Centaurs,  mermaids,  hippogriffs,  and  other  fables. 

ately  around  them,  passed  by  insensible  grada- 
tions into  the  regions  of  fancy  and  romance, 
and  all  was  believed  together.  They  saw  lions 
and  elephants  in  the  lands  which  were  near, 
and  which  they  knew  ;  and  they  believed  in 
the  centaurs,  the  mermaids,  the  hippogriffs,  and 
the  dragons,  which  they  imagined  inhabiting 
regions  more  remote.  They  saw  heroes  and 
chieftains  in  the  plains  and  in  the  valleys  be- 
low ;  and  they  had  no  reason  to  disbelieve  in 
the  existence  of  gods  and  demi-gods  upon  the 
summits  of  the  blue  and  beautiful  mountains 
above,  where,  for  aught  they  knew,  there  might 
lie  boundless  territories  of  verdure  and  loveli- 
ness, wholly  inaccessible  to  man.  In  the  same 
manner,  beneath  the  earth  somewhere,  they 
knew  not  where,  there  lay,  as  they  imagined, 
extended  regions  destined  to  receive  the  spirits 
of  the  dead,  with  approaches  leading  to  it, 
through  mysterious  grottoes  and  caverns,  from 
above.  Proserpina  was  the  Goddess  of  Death, 
and  the  queen  of  these  lower  abodes. 

Various  stories  were  told  of  her  origin  and 
history.  The  one  most  characteristic  and  most 
minutely  detailed  is  this : 

She  was  the  daughter  of  Jupiter  and  Ceres. 
She  was  very  beautiful ;  and,  in  order  to  protect 


B.C.276.J  RETREAT  FROM  ITALY.        193 


Fabulous  history  of  Proserpina. 


her  from  the  importunity  of  lovers,  her  mother 
sent  her,  under  the  care  of  an  attendant  named 
Calligena,  to  a  cavern  in  Sicily,  and  concealed 
her  there.  The  mouth  of  the  cavern  was  guard- 
ed by  dragons.  Pluto,  who  was  the  god  of  the 
inferior  regions,  asked  her  of  Jupiter,  her  father, 
for  his  wife.  Jupiter  consented,  and  sent  Venus 
to  entice  her  out  of  her  cavern,  that  Pluto  might 
obtain  her.  Venus,  attended  by  Minerva  and 
Diana,  proceeded  to  the  cavern  where  Proser- 
pina was  concealed.  The  three  goddesses  con- 
trived some  means  to  keep  the  dragons  that 
guarded  the  cavern  away,  and  then  easily  per- 
suaded the  maiden  to  come  out  to  take  a  walk. 
Proserpina  was  charmed  with  the  verdure  and 
beauty  which  she  found  around  her  on  the  sur- 
face of  the  ground,  strongly  contrasted  as  they 
were  with  the  gloom  and  desolation  of  her  cav- 
ern. She  was  attended  by  nymphs  and  zephyrs 
in  her  walk,  and  in  their  company  she  rambled 
along,  admiring  the  beauty  and  enjoying  the 
fragrance  of  the  flowers.  Some  of  the  flowers 
which  most  attracted  her  attention  were  pro- 
duced on  the  spot  by  the  miraculous  power  of 
Jupiter,  who  caused  them  to  spring  up  in  won- 
derful luxuriance  and  splendor,  the  more  effect- 
ually to  charm  the  senses  of  the  maiden  whom 
22—13 


194  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  276. 

Fabulous  story  of  Proserpina.  Ceres  seeks  her. 

they  were  enticing  away.  At  length,  suddenly 
the  earth  opened,  and  Pluto  appeared,  coming 
up  from  below  in  a  golden  chariot  drawn  by  im- 
mortal steeds,  and,  seizing  Proserpina,  he  car- 
ried her  down  to  his  own  abodes. 

Ceres,  the  mother  of  Proserpina,  was  greatly 
distressed  when  she  learned  the  fate  of  her 
daughter.  She  immediately  went  to  Jupiter, 
and  implored  him  to  restore  Proserpina  to  the 
upper  world.  Jupiter,  on  the  other  hand,  urged 
Ceres  to  consent  to  her  remaining  as  the  wife 
of  Pluto.  The  mother,  however,  would  not 
yield,  and  finally  her  tears  and  entreaties  so  far 
prevailed  over  Jupiter  as  to  induce  him  to  give 
permission  to  Ceres  to  bring  Proserpina  back, 
provided  that  she  had  not  tasted  of  any  food 
that  grew  in  the  regions  below.  Ceres  accord- 
ingly went  in  search  of  her  daughter.  She 
found,  unfortunately,  that  Proserpina,  in  walk- 
ing through  the  Elysian  fields  with  Pluto,  had 
incautiously  eaten  a  pomegranate  which  she 
had  taken  from  a  tree  that  was  growing  there. 
She  was  consequently  precluded  from  availing 
herself  of  Jupiter's  permission  to  return  to  Olym- 
pus. Finally,  however,  Jupiter  consented  that 
she  should  divide  her  time  between  the  inferior 
and  the  superior  regions,  spending  six  months 


B.C. 276.]  RETREAT  FROM  ITALY.         195 

Mystical  significancy  of  Proserpina's  life. 

with  Pluto  below,  and  six  months  with  her 
mother  above  ;  and  she  did  so. 

Proserpina  was  looked  upon  by  all  mankind 
with  feelings  of  great  veneration  and  awe  as  the 
goddess  and  queen  of  death,  and  she  was  wor- 
shiped in  many  places  with  solemn  and  impos- 
ing ceremonies.  There  was,  moreover,  in  the 
minds  of  men,  a  certain  mystical  significancy  in 
the  mode  of  life  which  she  led,  in  thus  dividing 
her  time  by  regular  alternations  between  the 
lower  and  upper  worlds,  that  seemed  to  them 
to  denote  and  typify  the  principle  of  vegetation, 
which  may  be  regarded  as,  in  a  certain  sense, 
alternately  a  principle  of  life  and  death,  inas- 
much as,  for  six  months  in  the  year,  it  appears 
in  the  form  of  living  and  growing  plants,  rising 
above  the  ground,  and  covering  the  earth  with 
verdure  and  beauty,  and  then,  for  the  six 
months  that  remain,  it  withdraws  from  the 
view,  and  exists  only  in  the  form  of  inert  and 
apparently  lifeless  roots  and  seeds,  concealed  in 
hidden  recesses  beneath  the  ground.  Proserpina 
was  thus  considered  the  type  and  emblem  of 
vegetation,  and  she  was  accordingly  worshiped, 
hi  some  sense,  as  the  goddess  of  resuscitation 
and  life,  as  well  as  of  death  and  the  grave. 

One  of  the  principal  temples  which  had  beerj 


196  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  276. 

Pyrrhus  resolves  to  confiscate  the  treasures  at  Locri. 

built  in  honor  of  Proserpina  was  situated,  as  has 
already  been  said,  at  Locri,  and  ceremonials 
and  festivals  were  celebrated  here,  at  stated  in- 
tervals, with  great  pomp  and  parade.  This 
temple  had  become  very  wealthy,  too,  immense 
treasures  having  been  collected  in  it,  consisting 
of  gold  and  silver  vessels,  precious  stones,  and 
rich  and  splendid  paraphernalia  of  every  kind — 
the  gifts  and  offerings  which  had  been  made, 
from  time  to  time,  by  princes  and  kings  who 
had  attended  the  festivals. 

When  Pyrrhus  had  reconquered  Locri  from 
the  Romans,  and  this  temple,  with  all  its  treas- 
ures, fell  into  his  power,  some  of  his  advisers 
suggested  that,  since  he  was  in  such  urgent 
need  of  money,  and  all  his  other  plans  for  sup- 
plying himself  had  hitherto  failed,  he  should 
take  possession  of  these  treasures.  They  might, 
it  was  argued,  be  considered,  in  some  sense,  as 
public  property ;  and,  as  the  Locrians  had  re- 
volted from  him  in  his  absence,  and  had  now 
been  conquered  anew,  he  was  entitled  to  regard 
these  riches  as  the  spoils  of  victory.  Pyrrhus 
determined  to  follow  this  advice.  He  took  pos- 
session of  the  richest  and  most  valuable  of  the 
articles  which  the  temple  contained,  and,  put- 
ting them  on  board  ships  which  he  sent  to  Locri 


B.C.  276.]  RETREAT  FROM  ITALY.         197 

The  ships  are  wrecked  and  the  treasures  lost. 

for  the  purpose,  he  undertook  to  transport  them 
to  Tarentum.  He  intended  to  convert  them 
there  into  money,  in  order  to  obtain  funds  to 
supply  the  wants  of  his  army. 

The  ships,  however,  on  their  passage  along 
the  coast,  encountered  a  terrible  storm,  and  were 
nearly  all  wrecked  and  destroyed.  The  mari- 
ners who  had  navigated  the  vessels  were  drown- 
ed, while  yet  the  sacred  treasures  were  saved, 
and  that,  too,  as  it  would  seem,  by  some  super- 
natural agency,  since  the  same  surges  which 
overwhelmed  and  destroyed  the  sacrilegious 
ships  and  seamen,  washed  the  cases  in  which 
the  holy  treasures  had  been  packed  up  upon  the 
beach;  and  there  the  messengers  of  Pyrrhus 
found  them,  scattered  among  the  rocks  and  on 
the  sand  at  various  points  along  the  shore.  Pyr- 
rhus was  greatly  terrified  at  this  disaster.  He 
conceived  that  it  was  a  judgment  of  Heaven, 
inflicted  upon  him  through  the  influence  and 
agency  of  Proserpina,  as  a  punishment  for  his, 
impious  presumption  in  despoiling  her  shrine. 
He  carefully  collected  all  that  the  sea  had  saved, 
and  sent  every  thing  back  to  Locri.  He  insti- 
tuted solemn  services  there  in  honor  of  Proser- 
pina, to  express  his  penitence  for  his  faults,  and, 
to  give  a  still  more  decisive  proof  of  his  desire 


198  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  276. 

Pyrrhus  ia  oppressed  with  superstitious  fears. 

to  appease  her  anger,  he  put  to  death  the  coun- 
selors who  had  advised  him  to  take  the  treas- 
ures. 

Notwithstanding  all  these  attempts  to  aton€ 
for  his  offense,  Pyrrhus  could  not  dispel  from 
his  mind  the  gloomy  impression  which  had  been 
made  upon  it  by  the  idea  that  he  had  incurred 
the  direct  displeasure  of  Heaven.  He  did  not 
believe  that  the  anger  of  Proserpina  was  ever  ful- 
ly appeased ;  and  whenever  misfortunes  and  ca- 
lamities befell  him  in  his  subsequent  career,  he 
attributed  them  to  the  displeasure  of  the  goddess 
of  death,  who,  as  he  believed,  followed  him  every 
where,  and  was  intent  on  effecting  his  ruin. 

It  was  now  late  in  the  season,  and  the  mil- 
itary operations  both  of  Pyrrhus  and  of  the  Ro- 
mans were,  in  a  great  measure,  suspended  until 
spring.  Pyrrhus  spent  the  interval  in  making 
arrangements  for  taking  the  field  as  soon  as  the 
winter  should  be  over.  He  had,  however,  many 
difficulties  to  contend  with.  His  financial  em- 
barrassment still  continued.  His  efforts  to  pro- 
cure funds  were  only  very  partially  successful. 
The  people  too,  in  all  the  region  about  Taren- 
tum,  were,  he  found,  wholly  alienated  from  him. 
They  had  not  forgiven  him  for  having  left  them 
to  go  to  Sicily,  and,  in  consequence  of  this  aban- 


B.C.  276.]  RETREAT   FROM    ITALY.       199 

He  goes  forth  from  Tarentum  to  meet  the  Romans. 

donment  of  their  cause,  they  had  lost  much  of 
their  confidence  in  him  as  their  protector,  while 
every  thing  like  enthusiasm  in  his  service  was 
wholly  gone.  Through  these  and  other  causes, 
he  encountered  innumerable  impediments  in 
executing  his  plans,  and  his  mind  was  harassed 
with  continual  disappointment  and  anxiety. 

Such,  however,  was  still  his  resolution  and 
energy,  that  when  the  season  arrived  for  tak- 
ing the  field,  he  had  a  considerable  force  in 
readiness,  and  he  marched  out  of  Tarentum 
at  the  head  of  it,  to  go  and  meet  the  Romans. 
The  Romans  themselves,  on  the  other  hand,  had 
raised  a  very  large  force,  and  had  sent  it  for- 
ward in  two  divisions,  under  the  command  of 
the  two  consuls.  These  two  divisions  took  dif- 
ferent routes ;  one  passing  to  the  north,  through 
the  province  of  Samnium,  and  the  other  to  the 
south,  through  Lucania — both,  however,  lead- 
ing toward  Tarentum.  Pyrrhus  divided  his 
forces  also  into  two  parts.  One  body  of  troops 
he  sent  northwardly  into  Samnium,  to  meet  the 
northern  division  of  the  Roman  army,  while 
with  the  other  he  advanced  himself  by  the  more 
southern  route,  to  meet  the  Roman  consul  who 
was  coming  through  Lucania.  The  name  of 
this  consul  was  Curius  Dentatus. 


200  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  275. 

Pyrrhus  meets  Curius  near  Beneventum. 

Pyrrhus  advanced  into  Lucania.  The  Ro- 
man general,  when  he  found  that  his  enemy 
was  coming,  thought  it  most  prudent  to  send 
for  the  other  division  of  his  army — namely,  the 
one  which  was  marching  through  Samnium— — 
and  to  wait  until  it  should  arrive  before  giving 
Pyrrhus  battle.  He  accordingly  dispatched  the 
necessary  orders  to  Lentulus,  who  commanded 
the  northern  division,  and,  in  the  mean  time, 
intrenched  himself  in  a  strong  encampment  at 
a  place  called  Beneventum.  Pyrrhus  entered 
Lucania  and  advanced  toward  Beneventum, 
and,  after  ascertaining  the  state  of  the  case  in 
respect  to  the  situation  of  the  camp  and  the 
plans  of  Curius,  he  paused  at  some  distance 
from  the  Roman  position,  in  order  to  consider 
•what  it  was  best  for  him  to  do.  He  finally 
came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  very  impor- 
tant that  his  conflict  with  the  Romans  under 
Curius  should  take  place  before  Lentulus  should 
arrive  to  re-enforce  them,  and  so  he  determined 
to  advance  rapidly,  and  fall  upon  and  surprise 
them  in  their  intrenchments  before  they  were 
aware  of  his  approach.  This  plan  he  accord- 
ingly attempted  to  execute.  He  advanced  in 
the  ordinary  manner  and  by  the  public  roads 
of  the  country  until  he  began  to  draw  near  to 


B.C.275.]  RETREAT   FROM    ITALY.       201 

He  advances  through  a  mountain  path  by  torch-light. 

Beneventum.  At  the  close  of  the  day  he  en- 
camped as  usual;  but,  instead  of  waiting  in 
his  camp  until  the  following  day,  and  then 
marching  on  in  his  accustomed  manner,  he  pro- 
cured guides  to  lead  his  troops  around  by  a  cir- 
cuitous path  among  the  mountains,  with  a 
view  of  coming  down  suddenly  and  unexpect- 
edly upon  the  camp  of  the  Romans  from  the 
hills  very  early  in  the  morning.  An  immense 
number  of  torches  were  provided,  to  furnish 
light  for  the  soldiers  hi  traversing  the  dark  for- 
ests and  gloomy  ravines  through  which  their 
pathway  lay. 

Notwithstanding  all  the  precautions  which 
had  been  taken,  the  difficulties  of  the  route  were 
so  great  that  the  progress  of  the  troops  was  very 
much  impeded.  The  track  was  every  where 
encumbered  with  bushes,  rocks,  fallen  trees, 
and  swampy  tracts  of  ground,  so  that  the  sol- 
diers made  way  very  slowly.  Great  numbers 
of  the  torches  failed  in  the  course  of  the  night, 
«ome  getting  extinguished  by  accident,  and  oth- 
ers going  out  from  exhaustion  of  fuel.  By  these 
means  great  numbers  of  the  troops  were  left  in 
the  dark,  and  after  groping  about  for  a  time  in 
devious  and  uncertain  paths,  became  hopelessly 
lost  in  the  forest.  Notwithstanding  all  these 


202  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  275. 

The  Romans  taken  by  surprise.  Pyrrhus  is  repulsed. 

difficulties  and  discouragements,  however,  the 
main  hody  of  the  army  pressed  resolutely  on, 
and,  just  about  daybreak,  the  van  came  out 
upon  the  heights  above  the  Roman  encamp- 
ment. As  soon  as  a  sufficient  number  were  as- 
sembled, they  were  at  once  marshaled  in  battle 
array,  and,  descending  from  the  mountains, 
they  made  a  furious  onset  upon  the  intrench- 
ments  of  the  enemy. 

The  Romans  were  taken  wholly  by  surprise, 
and  their  camp  became  immediately  a  scene  of 
the  wildest  confusion.  The  men  started  up  ev- 
ery where  out  of  their  sleep  and  seized  their 
arms.  They  were  soon  in  a  situation  to  make 
a  very  effectual  resistance  to  the  attack  of  their 
enemies.  They  first  beat  the  assailants  back 
from  the  points  where  they  were  endeavoring  to 
gain  admission,  and  then,  encouraged  by  their 
success,  they  sallied  forth  from  their  intrench- 
ments,  and  became  assailants  in  their  turn. 
The  Greeks  were  soon  overpowered,  and  forced 
to  retire  altogether  from  the  ground.  A  great 
many  were  killed,  and  some  elephants,  which 
Pyrrhus  had  contrived  by  some  means  to  bring 
up  to  the  spot,  were  taken.  The  Romans  were, 
of  course,  greatly  elated  at  this  victory. 

In  fact,  so  much  was  Curius  gratified  and 


B.C.275.]  RETREAT   FROM    ITALY.       203 

Adventures  of  Pyrrhus  on  the  field  of  battle. 

pleased  with  this  success,  and  so  great  was  the 
confidence  with  which  it  inspired  him,  that  he 
determined  to  wait  no  longer  for  Lentulus,  but 
to  march  out  at  once  and  give  Pyrrhus  battle. 
He  accordingly  brought  forth  his  troops  and 
drew  them  up  on  a  plain  near  his  encampment, 
posting  them  in  such  a  way  as  to  gain  a  cer- 
tain advantage  for  himself  in  the  nature  of  the 
ground  which  he  had  chosen,  while  yet,  since 
there  was  nothing  but  the  open  field  between 
himself  and  his  enemy,  the  movement  was  a 
fair  and  regular  challenge  to  battle.  Pyrrhus 
accepted  this  challenge  by  bringing  up  his  forces 
to  the  field,  and  the  conflict  began. 

As  soon  as  the  combatants  were  fairly  en- 
gaged, one  of  the  wings  of  Pyrrhus's  army  be- 
gan to  give  way.  The  other  wing,  on  the  con- 
trary, which  was  the  one  that  Pyrrhus  himself 
personally  commanded,  was  victorious.  Pyr- 
rhus himself  led  his  soldiers  on ;  and  he  inspired 
them  with  so  much  strength  and  energy  by  his 
own  reckless  daring,  that  all  those  portions  of 
the  Roman  army  which  were  opposed  to  them 
were  beaten  and  driven  back  into  the  camp. 
This  success,  however,  was  not  wholly  owing  to 
the  personal  prowess  of  Pyrrhus. '  It  was  due, 
in  a  great  measure,  to  the  power  of  the  ele- 


204  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  275. 

Onset  of  the  elephants.  They  are  terrified  by  the  torches. 

phants,  for  they  fought  in  that  part  of  the  field. 
As  the  Romans  were  almost  wholly  unaccus- 
tomed to  the  warfare  of  elephants,  they  knew 
not  how  to  resist  them,  and  the  huge  beasts 
Lore  down  all  before  them  wherever  they  moved. 
In  this  crisis,  Curius  ordered  a  fresh  body  of 
troops  to  advance.  It  was  a  corps  of  reserve^ 
which  he  had  stationed  near  the  camp  under  or- 
ders to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  there,  to 
come  forward  and  act  at  any  moment,  and  at 
any  part  of  the  field  wherever  their  services 
might  be  required.  These  troops  were  now 
summoned  to  advance  and  attack  the  elephants. 
They  accordingly  came  rushing  on,  brandishing 
their  swords  in  one  hand,  and  bearing  burning 
torches,  with  which  they  had  been  provided  for 
the  occasion,  in  the  other.  The  torches  they 
threw  at  the  elephants  as  soon  as  they  came 
near,  in  order  to  terrify  them  and  make  them 
unmanageable ;  and  then,  with  their  swords, 
they  attacked  the  keepers  and  drivers  of  the 
Ibeasts,  and  the  men  who  fought  in  connection 
"with  them.  The  success  of  this  onset  was  so 
great,  that  the  elephants  soon  became  unman- 
ageable. They  even  broke  into  the  phalanx, 
and  threw  the  ranks  of  it  into  confusion,  over- 
turning and  trampling  upon  the  men,  and  fall- 


B.C. 275.]  RETREAT   FROM    ITALY.       207 

The  young  elephant  and  its  mother. 

ing  themselves  upon  the  slain,  under  the  wounds 
which  the  spears  inflicted  upon  them. 

A  remarkable  incident  is  said  to  have  occur- 
red in  the  midst  of  this  scene  of  confusion  and 
terror,  which  strikingly  illustrates  the  strength 
of  the  maternal  instinct,  even  among  brutes. 
It  happened  that  there  was  a  young  elephant, 
and  also  its  mother,  in  the  same  division  of  Pyr- 
rhus's  army.  The  former,  though  young,  was 
sufficiently  grown  to  serve  as  an  elephant  of 
war,  and,  as  it  happened,  its  post  on  the  field 
of  battle  was  not  very  far  from  that  of  its  moth- 
er. In  the  course  of  the  battle  the  young  ele- 
phant was  wounded,  and  it  uttered  immediate- 
ly a  piercing  cry  of  pain  and  terror.  The  mother 
heard  the  cry,  and  recognized  the  voice  that  ut- 
tered it  through  all  the  din  and  uproar  of  the  bat- 
tle. She  immediately  became  wholly  ungovern- 
able, and,  breaking  away  from  the  control  of  her 
keepers,  she  rushed  forward,  trampling  down 
every  thing  in  her  way,  to  rescue  and  protect 
her  offspring.  This  incident  occurred  at  the 
commencement  of  the  attack  which  the  Roman 
reserve  made  upon  the  elephants,  and  contrib- 
uted very  essentially  to  the  panic  and  confusion 
which  followed. 

In  the  end  Pyrrhus  was  entirely  defeated. 


208  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  275. 

Pyrrhus's  flight.  His  desperate  expedient. 

He  was  compelled  to  abandon  his  camp  and  to 
retire  toward  Tarentum.  The  Romans  imme- 
diately advanced,  flushed  with  victory,  and  car- 
rying all  before  them.  Pyrrhus  retreated  fast- 
er and  faster,  his  numbers  continually  dimin- 
ishing as  he  fled,  until  at  last,  when  he  reached 
Tarentum,  he  had  only  a  few  horsemen  in  his 
train.  He  sent  off  the  most  urgent  requests  to 
his  friends  and  allies  in  Greece  to  furnish  him 
aid.  The  help,  however,  did  not  come,  and 
Pyrrhus,  in  order  to  keep  the  small  remnant 
that  still  adhered  to  him  together,  resorted  to 
the  desperate  expedient  of  forging  letters  from 
his  friends,  promising  speedy  and  abundant 
supplies,  and  showing  these  letters  to  his  offi- 
cers, to  prevent  them  from  being  wholly  dis- 
couraged and  abandoning  his  cause.  This  mis- 
erable contrivance,  however,  even  if  successful, 
could  only  afford  a  momentary  relief.  Pyrrhus 
soon  found  that  all  hope  and  possibility  of  re- 
trieving his  fortunes  in  Italy  had  entirely  dis* 
appeared,  and  that  no  alternative  was  left  to 
him  but  to  abandon  the  ground.  So,  pretend- 
ing to  wonder  why  his  allies  did  not  send  for- 
ward the  succors  which  they  had  promised  in 
their  letters,  and  saying  that,  since  they  were 
80  dilatory  and  remiss,  he  must  go  himself  and 


B.C. 274.]  RETREAT    FROM  ITALY.        209 

He  arrives  at  Ungth  safely  in  Epirus. 

bring  them,  but  promising  that  he  would  im- 
mediately return,  he  set  sail  from  Tarentum, 
and,  crossing  the  sea,  went  home  to  his  own 
kingdom.  He  arrived  safely  in  Epirus  after  an 
absence  of  six  years. 
22—14 


210  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  284. 

Some  account  of  the  family  of  Lysimachus. 


CHAPTER  IX. 
THE  FAMILY  OF  LYSIMACHUS. 

r  I  THE  reader  will  perhaps  recollect  that  when 
-L  Pyrrhus  withdrew  from  Macedon,  before 
he  embarked  on  his  celebrated  expedition  into 
Italy,  the  enemy  before  he  was  compelled  to  re- 
tire w**0  Lysimachus.  Lysimachus  continued 
"^  reign  in  Macedon  for  some  time  after  Pyr- 
rhus had  gone,  until,  finally,  he  was  himself 
overthrown,  under  circumstances  of  a  very  re- 
markable character.  In  fact,  his  whole  history 
affords  a  striking  illustration  of  the  nature  of 
the  results  which  often  followed,  in  ancient 
times,  from  the  system  of  government  which 
then  almost  universally  prevailed — a  system  in 
which  the  supreme  power  was  considered  as 
rightfully  belonging  to  some  sovereign  who  de- 
rived it  from  his  ancestors  by  hereditary  de- 
scent, and  who,  in  the  exercise  of  it,  was  entire- 
ly above  all  sense  of  responsibility  to  the  sub- 
jects of  his  dominion. 

It  has  sometimes  been  said  by  writers  on  the 
theory  of  civil  government  that  the  principle  of 


B.C.  284.]  FAMILY  OF  LYSIMACHUS.    211 

Remarks  on  the  principle  of  hereditary  succession. 

hereditary  sovereignty  in  the  government  of  a 
nation  has  a  decided  advantage  over  any  elect- 
ive mode  of  designating  the  chief  magistrate,  on 
account  of  its  certainty.  If  the  system  is  such 
that,  on  the  death  of  a  monarch,  the  supreme 
power  descends  to  his  eldest  son,  the  succession 
is  determined  at  once,  without  debate  or  delay. 
If,  on  the  other  hand,  an  election  is  to  take 
place,  there  must  be  a  contest.  Parties  are 
formed ;  plans  and  counterplans  are  laid ;  a  pro- 
tracted and  heated  controversy  ensues ;  and 
when,  finally,  the  voting  is  ended,  there  is  some- 
times doubt  and  uncertainty  in  ascertaining  the 
true  result,  and  very  often  an  angry  and  obsti- 
nate refusal  to  acquiesce  in  it  when  it  is  de- 
termined. Thus  the  principle  of  hereditary  de- 
scent seems  simple,  clear,  and  liable  to  no  un- 
certainty or  doubt,  while  that  of  popular  election 
tends  to  lead  the  country  subject  to  it  into  end- 
less disputes,  and  often  ultimately  to  civil  war. 
But  though  this  may  be  in  theory  the  opera- 
tion of  the  two  systems,  in  actual  practice  it 
has  been  found  that  the  hereditary  principle 
has  very  little  advantage  over  any  other  in  re- 
spect to  the  avoidance  of  uncertainty  and  dis- 
pute. Among  the  innumerable  forms  and  pha- 
ses which  the  principle  of  hereditary  descent 


212  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  284. 

Difficulties  that  often  occur. 

assumes  in  actual  life,  the  cases  in  which  one 
acknowledged  and  unquestioned  sovereign  of  a 
country  dies,  and  leaves  one  acknowledged  and 
unquestioned  heir,  are  comparatively  few.  The 
relationships  existing  among  the  various  branch- 
es of  a  family  are  often  extremely  intricate  and 
complicated.  Sometimes  they  become  variously 
entangled  with  each  other  by  intermarriages ; 
'sometimes  the  claims  arising  under  them  are 
disturbed,  or  modified,  or  confused  by  conquests 
and  revolutions  ;  and  thus  they  often  become  so 
hopelessly  involved  that  no  human  sagacity  can 
classify  or  arrange  them.  The  case  of  France 
at  the  present  time*  is  a  striking  illustration 
of  this  difficulty,  there  being  in  that  country  no 
less  than  three  sets  of  claimants  who  regard 
themselves  entitled  to  the  supreme  power — the 
representatives,  namely,  of  the  Bourbon,  the 
Orleans,  and  the  Napoleon  dynasties.  Each  one 
of  the  great  parties  rests  the  claim  which  they 
severally  advance  in  behalf  of  their  respective 
candidates  more  or  less  exclusively  on  rights 
derived  from  their  hereditary  relationship  to  for- 
mer rulers  of  the  kingdom,  and  there  is  no  pos- 
sible mode  of  settling  the  question  between  them 
but  by  the  test  of  power.  Even  if  all  concern- 

*  January,  1852. 


B.C. 284.]  FAMILY  OF  LYSIMACHUS.    213 

Examples.  Return  to  the  history  of  Macedon. 

ed  were  disposed  to  determine  the  controversy 
by  a  peaceful  appeal  to  the  principles  of  the  law 
of  descent,  as  relating  to  the  transmission  of 
governmental  power,  no  principles  could  be 
found  that  would  apply  to  the  case ;  or,  rather, 
so  numerous  are  the  principles  that  would  be 
required  to  be  taken  into  the  account,  and  so 
involved  and  complicated  are  the  facts  to  which 
they  must  be  applied,  that  any  distinct  solution 
of  the  question  on  theoretical  grounds  would  be 
utterly  impossible.  There  is,  and  there  can  be, 
no  means  of  solving  such  a  question  but  power. 

In  fact,  the  history  of  the  smaller  monarchies 
of  ancient  times  is  comprised,  sometimes  for 
centuries  almost  exclusively,  in  narratives  of 
the  intrigues,  the  contentions,  and  the  bloody 
wars  of  rival  families,  and  rival  branches  of  the 
same  family,  in  asserting  their  respective  claims 
as  inheritors  to  the  possession  of  power.  This 
truth  is  strikingly  illustrated  in  the  events 
which  occurred  in  Macedon  during  the  ab- 
sence of  Pyrrhus  in  Italy  and  Sicily,  in  connec- 
tion with  the  family  of  Lysiinachus,  and  his 
successor  in  power  there.  These  events  we 
shall  now  proceed  to  relate  in  their  order. 

At  the  time  when  Pyrrhus  was  driven  from 
Macedon  by  Lysimachus,  previous  to  his  going 


214  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  284. 

Stories  of  Lysimachus's  strength  and  courage. 

into  Italy,  Lysimachus  was  far  advanced  in 
age.  He  was,  in  fact,  at  this  time  nearly  sev- 
enty years  old.  He  commenced  his  military 
career  during  the  lifetime  of  Alexander  the 
Great,  having  been  one  of  the  great  conqueror's 
most  distinguished  generals.  Many  stories  were 
told,  in  his  early  life,  of  his  personal  strength 
and  valor.  On  one  occasion,  as  was  said,  when 
hunting  in  Syria,  he  encountered  a  lion  of  im- 
mense size  single-handed,  and,  after  a  very  des- 
perate and  obstinate  conflict,  he  succeeded  in 
killing  him,  though  not  without  receiving  se- 
vere wounds  himself  in  the  contest.  Another 
story  was,  that  at  one  time,  having  displeased 
Alexander,  he  was  condemned  to  suffer  death, 
and  that,  too,  in  a  very  cruel  and  horrible  man- 
ner. He  was  to  be  thrown  into  a  lion's  den. 
This  was  a  mode  of  execution  not  uncommon 
in  ancient  times.  It  answered  a  double  pur- 
pose ;  it  not  only  served  for  a  terrible  punish- 
ment in  respect  to  the  man,  but  it  also  effected 
a  useful  end  in  respect  to  the  animal.  By  giv- 
ing him  a  living  man  to  seize  and  devour,  the 
savage  ferocity  of  the  beast  was  stimulated  and 
increased,  and  thus  he  was  rendered  more  val- 
uable for  the  purposes  and  uses  for  which  he 
was  retained.  In  the  case  of  Lysimachus. 


B.C.  284.]  FAMILY  OF  LYSIMACHUS.    215 


Put  in  a  dungeon  with  a  lion. 


however,  both  these  objects  failed.  As  soon  as 
he  was  put  into  the  dungeon  where  the  lion 
was  awaiting  him,  he  attacked  the  beast,  and, 
though  unarmed,  he  succeeded  in  destroying 
him.  Alexander  admired  so  much  the  desper- 
ate strength  and  courage  evinced  by  this  ex- 
ploit, that  he  pardoned  the  criminal  and  re- 
stored him  to  favor. 

Lysimachus  continued  in  the  service  of  Al- 
exander as  long  as  that  monarch  lived  ;  and 
when,  at  the  death  of  Alexander,  the  empire 
was  divided  among  the  leading  generals,  the 
kingdom  of  Thrace,  which  adjoins  Macedon  on 
the  east,*  was  assigned  to  him  as  his  portion. 
He  is  commonly  designated,  therefore,  in  his- 
tory, as  the  King  of  Thrace ;  though  in  the  sub- 
sequent part  of  his  life  he  obtained  possession 
also,  by  conquest,  of  the  kingdom  of  Macedon. 
He  married,  in  succession,  several  wives,  and 
experienced  through  them  a  great  variety  of 
domestic  troubles.  His  second  wife  was  a  Sicil- 
ian princess  named  Amastris.  She  was  a  wid- 
ow at  the  time  of  her  marriage  with  Lysima- 
chus, and  had  two  sons.  After  being  married 
to  her  for  some  time,  Lysimachus  repudiated 
and  abandoned  her,  and  she  returned  to  Sicily 

*  See  map. 


216  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  284. 

Amastris  and  her  two  sons.  Arsinoe. 

with  her  two  sons,  and  lived  in  a  certain  city 
which  belonged  to  them  there.  The  young 
men  were  not  of  age,  and  Amastris  accordingly 
assumed  the  government  of  the  city  in  their 
name.  They,  however,  quarreled  with  their 
mother,  and  finally  drowned  her,  in  order  to 
remove  her  out  of  their  way.  Lysimachus, 
though  he  might  justly  have  considered  himself 
as  in  some  sense  the  cause  of  this  catastrophe, 
since,  by  deserting  his  wife  and  withdrawing 
his  protection  from  her,  he  compelled  her  to  re- 
turn to  Sicily  and  put  herself  in  the  power  of 
her  unnatural  sons,  was  still  very  indignant  at 
the  event,  and,  fitting  out  an  expedition,  he 
went  to  Sicily,  captured  the  city,  took  the  sons 
of  Amastris  prisoners,  and  put  them  to  death 
without  mercy,  in  retribution  for  their  atrocious 
crime. 

At  the  time  when  Lysimachus  put  away  his 
wife,  Amastris,  he  married  Arsinoe,  an  Egyp- 
tian princess,  the  daughter,  in  fact,  of  Ptolemy, 
the  son  of  Lagus,  who  was  at  this  time  the  king 
of  Egypt.  How  far  Lysimachus  was  governed, 
in  his  repudiation  of  Amastris,  by  the  influence 
of  Arsinoe's  personal  attractions  in  winning  his 
heart  away  from  his  fidelity  to  his  legitimate 
wife,  and  how  far,  on  the  other  hand,  he  was 


B.C.  284.]  FAMILY  OF  LYSIMACHUS.    217 

Feud  in  Ptolemy's  family.  Origin  of  the  quarrel. 

alienated  from  her  by  her  own  misconduct  or 
the  violence  of  her  temper,  is  not  now  known. 
At  any  rate,  the  Sicilian  wife,  as  has  been 
stated,  was  dismissed  and  sent  home,  and  the 
Egyptian  princess  came  into  her  place. 

The  small  degree  of  domestic  peace  and  com- 
fort which  Lysimachus  had  hitherto  enjoyed 
was  far  from  being  improved  by  this  change. 
The  family  of  Ptolemy  was  distracted  by  a  dead- 
ly feud,  and,  by  means  of  the  marriage  of  Ar- 
sinoe  with  Lysimachus,  and  of  another  marriage 
which  subsequently  occurred,  and  which  will 
be  spoken  of  presently,  the  quarrel  was  trans- 
ferred, in  all  its  bitterness,  to  the  family  of  Ly- 
simachus, where  it  produced  the  most  dreadful 
results. 

The  origin  of  the  quarrel  in  the  household  of 
Ptolemy  was  this:  Ptolemy  married,  for  his 
first  wife,  Eurydice,  the  daughter  of  Antipater. 
When  Eurydice,  at  the  time  of  her  marriage, 
went  with  her  husband  into  Egypt,  she  was  ac- 
companied by  her  cousin  Berenice,  a  young  and 
beautiful  widow,  whom  she  invited  to  go  with 
her  as  her  companion  and  friend.  A  great 
change,  however,  soon  took  place  in  the  relations 
which  they  sustained  to  each  other.  From  be- 
ing very  affectionate  and  confidential  friends, 


218  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  284. 

Account  of  the  family.  Ptolemy  Ceraunus. 

they  became,  as  often  happens  in  similar  cases, 
on  far  less  conspicuous  theatres  of  action,  rivals 
and  enemies.  Berenice  gained  the  affections  of 
Ptolemy,  and  at  length  he  married  her.  Ar- 
sinoe,  whom  Lysimachus  married,  was  the 
daughter  of  Ptolemy  and  Berenice.  They  had 
also  a  son  who  was  named  Ptolemy,  and  who, 
at  the  death  of  his  father,  succeeded  him  on  the 
throne.  This  son  subsequently  became  renown- 
ed in  history  under  the  name  of  Ptolemy  Phila- 
delphus.  He  was  the  second  monarch  of  the 
Ptolemaic  line. 

But,  besides  these  descendants  of  Berenice, 
there  was  another  set  of  children  in  Ptolemy's 
family — namely,  those  by  Eurydice.  Eurydice 
had  a  son  and  a  daughter.  The  name  of  the 
son  was  Ptolemy  Ceraunus ;  that  of  the  daughter 
was  Lysandra.  There  was,  of  course,  a  stand- 
ing and  bitter  feud  always  raging  between  these 
two  branches  of  the  royal  household.  The  two 
wives,  though  they  had  once  been  friends,  now, 
of  course,  hated  each  other  with  perfect  hatred. 
Each  had  her  own  circle  of  partisans  and  ad- 
herents, and  the  court  was  distracted  for  many 
years  with  the  intrigues,  the  plots,  the  dissen- 
sions, and  the  endless  schemes  and  counter- 
schemes  which  were  resorted  to  by  the  two  par- 


B.C. 284.]  FAMILY   OF    LYSIMACHUS.  219 

Transfer  of  the  quarrel  from  Egypt  to  Macedon. 

ties  in  their  efforts  to  thwart  and  circumvent 
each  other.  As  Arsinoe,  the  wife  of  Lysima- 
chus,  was  the  daughter  of  Berenice,  it  might 
have  been  expected  that  the  influence  of  Ber- 
enice's party  would  prevail  in  Lysimachus's 
court.  This  would  doubtless  have  been  the 
case,  had  it  not  been  that  unfortunately  there 
was  another  alliance  formed  between  the  two 
families  which  complicated  the  connection,  and 
led,  in  the  end,  to  the  most  deplorable  results. 
This  other  alliance  was  the  marriage  of  Agath- 
ocles,  the  son  of  Lysimachus,  with  Lysandra, 
Eurydice's  daughter.  Thus,  in  the  court  and 
family  of  Lysimachus,  Berenice  had  a  represent- 
ative in  the  person  of  her  daughter  Arsinoe, 
the  wife  of  the  king  himself;  while  Eurydice, 
also,  had  one  in  the  person  of  her  daughter  Ly- 
sandra, the  wife  of  the  king's  son.  Of  course, 
the  whole  virulence  of  the  quarrel  was  spread 
from  Egypt  to  Macedon,  and  the  household  of 
Lysimachus  was  distracted  by  the  dissensions 
of  Arsinoe  and  Lysandra,  and  by  the  attempts 
which  each  made  to  effect  the  destruction  of 
the  other. 

Of  course,  in  this  contest,  the  advantage  was 
on  the  side  of  Arsinoe,  since  she  was  the  wife 
of  the  king  himself,  while  Lysandra  was  only 


220  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  284 

Lysandra.  Envy  and  hatred  of  Arsinoe. 

the  wife  of  his  son.  Still,  the  position  and  the 
influence  of  Lysandra  were  very  high.  Agath- 
ocles  was  a  prince  of  great  consideration  and 
honor.  He  had  been  very  successful  in  his  mil- 
itary campaigns,  had  won  many  battles,  and 
had  greatly  extended  the  dominion  and  p^wer 
of  his  father.  He  was  a  great  favorite,  in  fact, 
both  with  the  army  and  with  the  people,  all  of 
whom  looked  up  to  him  as  the  hope  and  the 
pride  of  the  kingdom. 

Of  course,  the  bestowal  of  all  this  fame  and 
honor  upon  Lysandra's  husband  only  served  to 
excite  the  rivalry  and  hatred  of  Arsinoe  the 
more.  She  and  Lysandra  were  sisters,  or,  rath- 
er, half-sisters — being  daughters  of  the  same 
father.  They  were,  however,  on  this  very  ac- 
count, natural  enemies  to  each  other,  for  their 
mothers  were  rivals.  Arsinoe,  of  course,  was 
continually  devising  means  to  curtail  the  grow- 
ing importance  and  greatness  of  Agathocles. 
Agathocles  himself,  on  the  ocher  hand,  would 
naturally  make  every  effort  to  thwart  and  coun- 
teract her  designs.  In  the  end,  Arsinoe  suc- 
ceeded in  convincing  Lysimachus  that  Agatho- 
cles was  plotting  a  conspiracy  against  him,  and 
was  intending  to  take  the  kingdom  into  his  own 
hands.  This  may  have  been  true.  Whether 


B.C. 284.]  FAMILY   OF    LVSIMACHUS.  221 

Lysandra's  husband  imprisoned.  Danger  of  her  children. 

it  was  true  or  false,  however,  can  now  never  be 
known.  At  all  events,  Lysimachus  was  induced 
to  believe  it.  He  ordered  Agathocles  to  be  seiz- 
ed and  put  into  prison,  and  then,  a  short  time 
afterward,  he  caused  him  to  be  poisoned.  Ly- 
sandra  was  overwhelmed  with  consternation  and 
sorrow  at  this  event.  She  was,  moreover,  great- 
ly alarmed  for  herself  and  for  her  children,  and 
also  for  her  brother,  Ptolemy  Ceraunus,  who 
was  with  her  at  this  time.  It  was  obvious  that 
there  could  be  no  longer  any  safety  for  her  in 
Macedon,  and  so,  taking  with  her  her  children, 
her  brother,  and  a  few  friends  who  adhered  to 
her  cause,  she  made  her  escape  from  Macedon 
and  went  to  Asia.  Here  she  cast  herself  upon 
the  protection  of  Seleucus,  king  of  Syria. 

Seleucus  was  another  of  the  generals  of  Alex- 
ander—the only  one,  in  fact,  besides  Lysima- 
chus, who  now  survived.  He  had,  of  course, 
like  Lysimachus,  attained  to  a  very  advanced 
period  of  life,  being  at  this  time  more  than  sev- 
enty-five years  old.  These  veterans  might  have 
been  supposed  to  have  lived  long  enough  to  have 
laid  aside  their  ancient  rivalries,  and  to  have 
been  willing  to  spend  their  few  remaining  years 
in  peace.  But  it  was  far  otherwise  in  fact. 
Seleucus  was  pleased  with  the  pretext  afforded 


222  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  281. 

Lysandra's  flight.  An  army  raised.  Desperate  battle. 

him,  by  the  coming  of  Lysandra,  for  embarking 
in  new  wars.  Lysandra  was,  in  a  short  time, 
followed  in  her  flight  by  many  of  the  nobles  and 
chieftains  of  Macedon,  who  had  espoused  her 
cause.  Lysimachus,  in  fact,  had  driven  them 
away  by  the  severe  measures  which  he  had 
adopted  against  them.  These  men  assembled 
at  the  court  of  Seleucus,  and  there,  with  Ly- 
sander  and  Ptolemy  Ceraunus,  they  began  to 
form  plans  for  invading  the  dominions  of  Lysim- 
achus, and  avenging  the  cruel  death  of  Agath- 
ocles.  Seleucus  was  very  easily  induced  to  en- 
ter into  these  plans,  and  war  was  declared. 

Lysimachus  did  not  wait  for  his  enemies  to 
invade  his  dominions ;  he  organized  an  army, 
crossed  the  Hellespont,  and  marched  to  meet 
Seleucus  in  Asia  Minor.  The  armies  met  in 
Phrygia.  A  desperate  battle  was  fought.  Ly- 
simachus was  conquered  and  slain. 

Seleucus  now  determined  to  cross  the  Helles- 
pont himself,  and,  advancing  into  Thrace  and 
Macedon,  to  annex  those  kingdoms  to  his  own 
domains.  Ptolemy  Ceraunus  accompanied  him. 
This  Ptolemy,  it  will  be  recollected,  was  the  son 
of  Ptolemy,  king  of  Egypt,  by  his  wife  Euryd- 
ice ;  and,  at  first  view,  it  might  seem  that  he 
could  have  no  claim  whatever  himself  to  the 


B.C. 281.]  FAMILY  OF  LYSIMACHUS.    223 

Ptolemy  Ceraunus.  His  reckless  and  desperate  character. 

crown  of  Macedon.  But  Eurydice,  his  mother, 
was  the  daughter  of  Antipater,  the  general  to 
whom  Macedon  had  been  assigned  on  the  orig- 
inal division  of  the  empire  after  Alexander's 
death.  Antipater  had  reigned  over  the  kingdom 
for  a  long  time  with  great  splendor  and  renown, 
and  his  name  and  memory  were  still  held  in 
great  veneration  by  all  the  Macedonians.  Ptol- 
emy Ceraunus  began  to  conceive,  therefore,  that 
he  was  entitled  to  succeed  to  the  kingdom  as 
the  grandson  and  heir  of  the  monarch  who  was 
Alexander's  immediate  successor,  and  whose 
claims  were  consequently,  as  he  contended,  en- 
titled to  take  precedence  of  all  others. 

Moreover,  Ptolemy  Ceraunus  had  lived  for  a 
long  time  in  Macedon,  at  the  court  of  Lysima- 
chus,  having  fled  there  from  Egypt  on  account 
of  the  quarrels  in  which  he  was  involved  in  his 
father's  family.  He  was  a  man  of  a  very  reck- 
less and  desperate  character,  and,  while  a  young 
man  in  his  father's  court,  he  had  shown  himself 
very  ill  able  to  brook  the  preference  which  his 
father  was  disposed  to  accord  to  Berenice  and 
to  her  children  over  his  mother  Eurydice  and 
him.  In  fact,  it  was  said  that  one  reason  which 
led  his  father  to  give  Berenice's  family  the  pre- 
cedence over  that  of  Eurydice,  and  to  propose 


224  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  280. 

Alliance  of  Cerautms  with  Seleucus.  His  plans. 

that  her  son  rather  than  Ptolemy  Ceraunus 
should  succeed  him,  was  the  violent  and  uncon- 
trollable spirit  which  Ceraunus  displayed.  At 
any  rate,  Ceraunus  quarreled  openly  with  his 
father,  and  went  to  Macedon  to  join  his  sister 
there.  He  had  subsequently  spent  some  con- 
siderable time  at  the  court  of  Lysimachus,  and 
had  taken  some  active  part  in  public  affairs. 
When  Agathocles  was  poisoned,  he  fled  with 
Lysandra  to  Seleucus ;  and  when  the  prepara- 
tions were  made  by  Seleucus  for  war  with  Ly- 
simachus, he  probably  regarded  himself  as  in 
some  sense  the  leader  of  the  expedition.  He 
considered  Seleucus  as  his  ally,  going  with  him 
to  aid  him  in  the  attempt  to  recover  the  king- 
dom of  his  ancestors. 

Seleucus,  however,  had  no  such  design.  He 
by  no  means  considered  himself  as  engaged  in 
prosecuting  an  expedition  for  the  benefit  of  Ce- 
raunus. His  plan  was  the  enlargement  of  his 
own  dominion  ;  and  as  for  Ceraunus,  he  regard- 
ed him  only  as  an  adventurer  following  in  his 
train — a  useful  auxiliary,  perhaps,  but  by  no 
means  entitled  to  be  considered  as  a  principal 
in  the  momentous  transactions  which  were  tak- 
ing place.  Ceraunus,  when  he  found  what  the 
state  of  the  case  really  was,  being  wholly  un- 


B.C.  280.]  FAMILY  OF  LYSIMACHUS.  .225 

Ceraunus's  meditated  treachery.  Argos. 

scrupulous  in  respect  to  the  means  that  he  em- 
ployed for  the  attainment  of  his  ends,  determined 
to  kill  Seleucus  on  the  first  opportunity. 

Seleucus  seems  to  have  had  no  suspicion  of 
this  design,  for  he  advanced  into  Thrace,  on  his 
way  to  Macedon,  without  fear,  and  without  tak- 
ing any  precautions  to  guard  himself  from  the 
danger  of  Ceraunus's  meditated  treachery.  At 
length  he  arrived  at  a  certain  town  which  they 
told  him  was  called  Argos.  He  seemed  alarmed 
on  hearing  this  name,  and,  when  they  inquired 
the  reason,  he  said  that  he  had  been  warned  by 
an  oracle,  at  some  former  period  of  his  life,  to 
beware  of  Argos,  as  a  place  that  was  destined 
to  be  for  him  the  scene  of  some  mysterious  and 
dreadful  danger.  He  had  supposed  that  another 
Argos  was  alluded  to  in  this  warning,  namely, 
an  Argos  in  Greece.  He  had  not  known  before 
of  the  existence  of  any  Argos  in  Thrace.  If  he 
had  been  aware  of  it,  he  would  have  ordered  his 
march  so  as  to  have  avoided  it  altogether  ;  and 
now,  in  consequence  of  the  anxious  forebodings 
that  were  excited  by  the  name,  he  determined 
to  withdraw  from  the  place  without  delay.  He 
was,  however,  overtaken  by  his  fate  before  he 
could  effect  his  resolution.  Ptolemy  Ceraunus, 
watching  a  favorable  opportunity  which  occur- 

22—15 


226  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  280. 

Ceraunus  proceeds  to  Macedon. 

red  while  he  was  at  Argos,  came  stealthily  up 
behind  the  aged  king,  and  stabbed  him  in  the 
back  with  a  dagger.  Seleucus  immediately  fell 
•down  and  died. 

Ptolemy  Ceraunus  forthwith  organized  a 
body  of  adherents  and  proceeded  to  Macedon, 
where  he  assumed  the  diadem,  and  caused  him- 
self to  be  proclaimed  king.  He  found  the  coun- 
try distracted  by  dissensions,  many  parties  hav- 
ing been  formed,  from  time  to  time,  in  the 
course  of  the  preceding  reigns,  each  of  which 
was  now  disposed  to  come  forward  with  its 
candidates  and  its  claims.  All  these  Ptolemy 
Ceraunus  boldly  set  aside.  He  endeavored  to 
secure  all  those  who  were  friendly  to  the  an- 
cient house  of  Antipater  by  saying  that  he  was 
Antipater's  grandson  and  heir;  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  to  conciliate  the  partisans  of  Ly- 
simachus,  by  saying  that  he  was  Lysimachus's 
avenger.  This  was  in  one  sense  true,  for  he 
had  murdered  Seleucus,  the  man  by  whom 
Lysimachus  had  been  destroyed.  He  relied, 
however,  after  all,  for  the  means  of  sustain- 
ing himself  in  his  new  position,  not  on  his  rea- 
sons, but  on  his  troops  ;  and  he  accordingly 
advanced  into  the  country  more  as  a  conqueror 
coming  to  subjugate  a  nation  by  force,  than  as 


B.C. 280.]  FAMILY  OF  LYSIMACHUS.    227 

His  rivals  and  enemies.  Their  various  claims. 

a  prince  succeeding  peacefully  to  an  hereditary 
crown. 

He  soon  had  many  rivals  and  enemies  in  the 
field  against  him.  The  three  principal  ones 
were  Antiochus,  Antigonus,  and  Pyrrhus.  An- 
tiochus  was  the  son  of  Seleucus.  He  maintain- 
ed that  his  father  had  fairly  conquered  the  king- 
dom of  Macedon;  and  had  acquired  the  right  to 
reign  over  it ;  that  Ptolemy  Ceraunus,  by  as- 
sassinating Seleucus,  had  not  divested  him  of 
any  of  his  rights,  but  that  they  all  descended 
unimpaired  to  his  son,  and  that  he  himself, 
therefore,  was  the  true  king  of  Macedon.  An- 
tigonus was  the  son  of  Demetrius,  who  had 
reigned  in  Macedon  at  a  former  period,  before 
Lysimachus  had  invaded  and  conquered  the 
kingdom.  Antigonus  therefore  maintained  that 
his  right  was  superior  to  that  of  Ptolemy,  for 
his  father  had  been  the  acknowledged  sovereign 
of  the  country  at  a  period  subsequent  to  that 
of  the  reign  of  Antipater.  Pyrrhus  was  the 
third  claimant.  He  had  held  Macedon  by  con- 
quest immediately  before  the  reign  of  Lysima- 
chus, and  now,  since  Lysimachus  had  been  de- 
posed, his  rights,  as  he  alleged,  revived.  In  a 
word,  there  were  four  competitors  for  the  throne, 
each  urging  claims  compounded  of  rights  of 


228  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  280. 

The  first  contest  was  with  Antigonus. 

conquest  and  of  inheritance,  so  complicated  and 
so  involved,  one  with  the  other,  as  to  render  all 
attempts  at  a  peaceable  adjudication  of  them 
absolutely  hopeless.  There  could  be  no  possi- 
ble way  of  determining  who  was  best  entitled 
to  the  throne  in  such  a  case.  The  only  ques- 
tion, therefore,  that  remained  was,  who  was  best 
able  to  take  and  keep  it. 

This  question  Ptolemy  Ceraunus  had  first  to 
try  with  Antigonus,  who  came  to  invade  the 
country  with  a  fleet  and  an  army  from  Greece. 
After  a  very  short  but  violent  contest,  Antigo- 
nus was  defeated,  both  by  sea  and  by  land,  and 
Ceraunus  remained  master  of  the  kingdom. 
This  triumph  greatly  strengthened  his  power 
in  respect  to  the  other  competitors.  He,  in 
fact,  contrived  to  settle  the  question  with  them 
by  treaty,  in  which  they  acknowledged  him  as 
king.  In  the  case  of  Pyrrhus,  he  agreed,  in 
consideration  of  being  allowed  peaceably  to  re- 
tain possession  of  his  kingdom,  to  furnish  a  cer- 
tain amount  of  military  aid  to  strengthen  the 
hands  of  Pyrrhus  in  the  wars  in  which  he  was 
then  engaged  in  Italy  and  Sicily.  The  force 
which  he  thus  furnished  consisted  of  five  thou- 
sand foot,  four  thousand  horse,  and  fifty  ele- 
phants. 


B.C.  280.]  FAMILY  OF  LYSIMACH  us.    229 

Arsinoe  and  her  children.  Their  rstreat  to  Cassandria. 

Thus  it  would  seem  that  every  thing  was 
settled.  There  was,  however,  one  difficulty  still 
remaining.  Arsinoe,  the  widow  of  Lysimachus, 
still  lived.  It  was  Arsinoe,  it  will  be  recollect- 
ed, whose  jealousy  of  her  half-sister,  Lysandra, 
had  caused  the  death  of  Agathocles  and  the 
flight  of  Lysandra,  and  which  had  led  to  the 
expedition  of  Seleucus,  and  the  subsequent  rev- 
olution in  Macedon.  When  her  husband  was 
killed,  she,  instead  of  submitting  at  once  to  the 
change  of  government,  shut  herself  up  in  Cas- 
sandria, a  rich  and  well-defended  city.  She  had 
her  sons  with  her,  who,  as  the  children  of  Ly- 
simachus, were  heirs  to  the  throne.  She  was 
well  aware  that  she  had,  for  the  time  being,  no 
means  at  her  command  for  supporting  the  claims 
of  her  children,  but  she  was  fully  determined 
not  to  relinquish  them,  but  to  defend  herself 
and  her  children  in  the  city  of  Cassandria,  as 
well  as  she  was  able,  until  some  change  should 
take  place  in  the  aspect  of  public  affairs.  Ce- 
raunus,  of  course,  saw  in  her  a  very  formidable 
and  dangerous  opponent ;  and,  after  having  tri- 
umphed over  Antigonus,  and  concluded  his  peace 
with  Antiochus  and  with  Pyrrhus,  he  advanced 
toward  Cassandria,  revolving  in  his  mind  the 
question  by  what  means  he  could  best  man- 


230  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  280. 

Ceraunus  proposes  marriage  to  Arsinoe. 

age  to  get  Arsinoe  and  her  children  into  his 
power. 

He  concluded  to  try  the  effect  of  cunning  and 
treachery  before  resorting  to  force.  He  accord- 
ingly sent  a  message  to  Arsinoe,  proposing  that, 
instead  of  quarreling  for  the  kingdom,  they 
should  unite  their  claims,  and  asking  her,  for 
this  purpose,  to  become  his  wife.  He  would 
marry  her,  he  said,  and  adopt  her  children  as 
his  own,  and  thus  the  whole  question  would  be 
amicably  settled.  N 

Arsinoe  very  readily  acceded  to  this  proposal. 
It  is  true  that  she  was  the  half-sister  of  Cerau- 
nus ;  but  this  relationship  was  no  bar  to  a  mat- 
rimonial union,  according  to  the  ideas  that 
prevailed  in  the  courts  of  kings  in  those  days. 
Arsinoe,  accordingly,  gave  her  consent  to  the 
proposal,  and  opened  the  gates  of  the  city  to  Ce- 
raunus and  his  troops.  Ceraunus  immediately 
put  her  two  sons  to  death.  Arsinoe  herself  fled 
from  the  city.  Yery  probably  Ceraunus  allow- 
ed her  to  escape,  since,  as  she  herself  had  no 
claim  to  the  throne,  any  open  violence  offered  to 
her  would  have  been  a  gratuitous  crime,  which 
would  have  increased,  unnecessarily,  the  odium 
that  would  naturally  attach  to  Ceraunus's  pro- 
ceedings. At  any  rate,  Arsinoe  escaped,  and, 


B.C. 280.]   FAMILY  OF  LYSIMACHUS.    231 

Ceraunus  finds  himself  in  great  prosperity. 

after  various  wanderings,  found  her  way  back 
to  her  former  home  in  her  father's  court  at  Alex- 
andria. 

The  heart  of  Ceraunus  was  now  filled  with 
exultation  and  pride.  All  his  schemes  had 
proved  successful,  and  he  found  himself,  at  last, 
in  secure  possession,  as  he  thought,  of  a  power- 
ful and  wealthy  kingdom:  He  wrote  home  to 
his  brother  in  Egypt,  Ptolemy  Philadelphus — 
by  whom,  as  the  reader  will  recollect,  he  had 
been  supplanted  there,  in  consequence  of  his  fa- 
ther's preference  for  the  children  of  Berenice — 
saying  that  he  now  acquiesced  in  that  disposi- 
tion of  the  kingdom  of  Egypt,  since  he  had  ac- 
quired for  himself  a  better  kingdom  in  Mace- 
don.  He  proceeded  to  complete  the  organiza- 
tion of  his  government.  He  recruited  his  ar- 
mies ;  he  fortified  his  towns ;  and  began  to  con- 
sider himself  as  firmly  established  on  his  throne. 
All  his  dreams,  however,  of  security  and  peace, 
were  soon  brought  to  a  very  sudden  termina- 
tion. 

There  was  a  race  of  half-civilized  people  on 
the  banks  of  the  Danube  called  G-auls.  Some 
tribes  of  this  nation  afterward  settled  in  what  i» 
now  France,  and  gave  their  name  to  that  coun- 
try. At  the  period,  however,  of  the  events 


232  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  280. 

Invasion  threatened.  Ceraunus  prepares  to  defend  himself. 

which  we  are  here  relating,  the  chief  seat  of 
their  dominion  was  a  region  on  the  banks  of  the 
Danube,  north  of  Macedon  and  Thrace.  Here 
they  had  been  for  some  time  concentrating  their 
forces  and  gradually  increasing  in  power,  al- 
though their  movements  had  been  very  little  re- 
garded by  Ceraunus.  Now,  however,  a  depu- 
tation suddenly  appeared  at  Ceraunus's  capital, 
to  say  that  they  were  prepared  for  an  invasion 
of  his  dominions,  and  asking  him  how  much 
money  he  would  give  for  peace.  Ceraunus,  in 
the  pride  of  his  newly-established  power,  treat- 
ed this  proposal  with  derision.  He  directed  the 
embassadors  to  go  back  and  say  that,  far  from 
wishing  to  purchase  peace,  he  would  not  allow 
peace  to  them,  unless  they  immediately  sent 
him  all  their  principal  generals,  as  hostages  for 
their  good  behavior.  Of  course,  after  such  an 
interchange  of  messages  as  this,  both  parties 
immediately  prepared  for  war. 

Ceraunus  assembled  all  the  forces  that  he 
could  command,  marched  northward  to  meet 
his  enemy,  and  a  great  battle  was  fought  be- 
tween the  two  armies.  Ceraunus  commanded 
in  person  in  this  conflict.  He  rode  into  the 
field  at  the  head  of  his  troops,  mounted  on  an 
elephant.  In  the  course  of  the  action  he  was 


B.C. 273.]  FAMILY  OF  LYSIMACHUS.    233 

Ceraunus  thrown  to  the  ground  and  killed. 

wounded,  and  the  elephant  on  which  he  rode 
becoming  infuriated  at  the  same  time,  perhaps 
from  being  wounded  himself  too,  threw  his  rider 


THE  FALLEN  ELEPHANT 


to  the  ground.  The  Grauls  who  were  fighting 
around  him  immediately  seized  him.  Without 
any  hesitation  or .  delay  they  cut  off  his  head, 
and,  raising  it  on  the  point  of  a  pike,  they  bore 
it  about  the  field  in  triumph.  This  spectacle 
so  appalled  and  intimidated  the  army  of  the 
Macedonians,  that  the  ranks  were  soon  broken, 
and  the  troops,  giving  way,  fled  in  all  directions, 
and  the  Gauls  found  themselves  masters  of  the 
•field. 


234  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  273. 

Consequences  of  the  death  of  Ceraunus. 

The  death  of  Ptolemy  Ceraunus  was,  of 
course,  the  signal  for  all  the  old  claimants  to 
the  throne  to  come  forward  with  their  several 
pretensions  anew.  A  protracted  period  of  dis- 
sension and  misrule  ensued,  during  which  the 
Grauls  made  dreadful  havoc  in  all  the  northern 
portions  of  Macedon.  Antigonus  at  last  suc- 
ceeded in  gaining  the  advantage,  and  obtained 
.a  sort  of  nominal  possession  of  the  throne,  which 
he  held  until  the  time  when  Pyrrhus  returned 
to  Epirus  from  Italy.  Pyrrhus,  being  informed 
of  this  state  of  things,  could  not  resist  the  de- 
sire which  he  felt  of  making  an  incursion  into 
Macedon,  and  seizing  for  himself  the  prize  for 
which  rivals,  no  better  entitled  to  it  than  he, 
were  so  fiercely  contending. 


B.C.  273.]  RECONQUEST  OF  MACEDON.  235 

Fatal  deficiencies  in  Pyrrhus's  character. 


CHAPTER  X. 
THE  RECONQUEST  OF  MACEDON. 

IT  was  the  great  misfortune  of  Pyrrhus's  life, 
a  misfortune  resulting  apparently  from  an 
inherent  and  radical  defect  in  his  character, 
that  he  had  no  settled  plans  or  purposes,  but 
embarked  in  one  project  after  another,  as  acci- 
dent or  caprice  might  incline  him,  apparently 
without  any  forethought,  consideration,  or  de- 
sign. He  seemed  to  form  no  plan,  to  live  for 
no  object,  to  contemplate  no  end,  but  was  gov- 
erned by  a  sort  of  blind  and  instinctive  impulse, 
which  led  him  to  love  danger,  and  to  take  a 
wild  and  savage  delight  in  the  performance  of 
military  exploits  on  their  own  account,  and 
without  regard  to  any  ultimate  end  or  aim  to 
be  accomplished  by  them.  Thus,  although  he 
evinced  great  power,  he  produced  no  permanent 
effects.  There  was  no  steadiness  or  persever- 
ance in  his  action,  and  there  could  be  none, 
for  in  his  whole  course  of  policy  there  were  no 
ulterior  ends  in  view  by  which  perseverance 
could  be  sustained.  He  was,  consequently,  al- 


236  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  273. 

Fickleness  of  Pyrrhus.  Consequences  which  resulted  from  it. 

ways  ready  to  abandon  any  enterprise  in  which 
he  might  be  engaged  as  soon  as  it  began  to  be 
involved  in  difficulties  requiring  the  exercise  of 
patience,  endurance,  and  self-denial,  and  to  em- 
bark in  any  new  undertaking,  provided  that  it 
promised  to  bring  him  speedily  upon  a  field  of 
battle.  He  was,  in  a  word,  the  type  and  exenv 
plar  of  that  large  class  of  able  men  who  waste 
their  lives  in  a  succession  of  efforts,  which, 
though  they  evince  great  talent  in  those  who 
perform  them,  being  still  without  plan  or  aim, 
end  without  producing  any  result.  Such  men 
often,  like  Pyrrhus,  attain  to  a  certain  species 
of  greatness.  They  are  famed  among  men  for 
what  they  seem  to  have  the  power  to  do,  and 
not  for  any  thing  that  they  have  actually  done. 
In  accordance  with  this  view  of  Pyrrhus's 
character,  we  see  him  changing  continually  the 
sphere  of  his  action  from  one  country  to  anoth- 
er, gaining  great  victories  every  where,  and 
evincing  in  all  his  operations — in  the  organizing 
and  assembling  of  his  armies,  in  his  marches, 
in  his  encampments,  and  in  the  disposition  of 
his  troops  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  especially 
in  his  conduct  during  the  period  of  actual  con- 
flict— the  most  indomitable  energy  and  the  most 
consummate  military  skill.  But  when  the 


B.C. 273.]  RECONQUEST  OF  MACEDON.  237 


Examples  of  his  want  of  perseverance. 


tie  was  fought  and  the  victory  gained,  and  an 
occasion  supervened  requiring  a  cool  and  cal- 
culating deliberation  in  the  forming  of  future 
plans,  and  a  steady  adherence  to  them  when 
formed,  the  character  and  resources  of  Pyrrhus's 
mind  were  found  woefully  wanting.  The  first 
summons  from  any  other  quarter,  inviting  him 
to  a  field  of  more  immediate  excitement  and  ac» 
tion,  was  always  sufficient  to  call  him  away. 
Thus  he  changed  his  field  of  action  successively 
from  Macedon  to  Italy,  from  Italy  to  Sicily, 
from  Sicily  back  to  Italy,  and  from  Italy  to 
Macedon  again,  perpetually  making  new  begin- 
nings, but  nowhere  attaining  any  ends. 

His  determination  to  invade  Macedon  once 
more,  on  his  return  to  Epirus  from  Italy,  was 
prompted,  apparently,  by  the  mere  accident  that 
the  government  was  unsettled,  and  that  Antig- 
onus  was  insecure  in  his  possession  of  the 
throne.  He  had  no  intention,  when  he  first 
embarked  in  this  scheme,  of  attempting  the  con- 
quest of  Macedon,  but  only  designed  to  make  a 
predatory  incursion  into  the  country  for  the  pur- 
pose of  plunder,  its  defenseless  condition  afford- 
ing him,  as  he  thought,  a  favorable  opportunity 
of  doing  this.  The  plea  on  which  he  justified 
this  invasion  was,  that  Antigonus  was  his  ene- 


238  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  273. 

Reasons  for  the  proposed  invasion  of  Macedon. 

my.  Ptolemy  Ceraunus  had  made  a  treaty  of 
alliance  with  him,  and  had  furnished  him  with 
troops  for  recruiting  and  re-enforcing  his  armies 
in  Italy,  as  has  already  been  stated ;  but  An- 
tigonus,  when  called  upon,  had  refused  to  do 
this.  This,  of  course,  gave  Pyrrhus  ample  jus- 
tification, as  he  imagined,  for  his  intended  hi' 
cursion  into  the  Macedonian  realms. 

Besides  this,  however,  there  was  another  jus- 
tification, namely,  that  of  necessity.  Although 
Pyrrhus  had  been  compelled  to  withdraw  from 
Italy,  he  had  not  returned  by  any  means  alone, 
but  had  brought  quite  a  large  army  with  him, 
consisting  of  many  thousands  of  men,  all  of 
whom  must  now  be  fed  and  paid.  All  the  re- 
sources of  his  own  kingdom  had  been  wellnigh 
exhausted  by  the  drafts  which  he  had  made 
upon  them  to  sustain  himself  in  Italy,  and  it 
was  now  necessary,  he  thought,  to  embark  in 
some  war,  as  a  means  of  finding  employment 
and  subsistence  for  these  troops.  He  determ- 
ined, therefore,  on  every  account,  to  make  a  fo- 
ray into  Macedon. 

Before  setting  off  on  his  expedition,  he  con- 
trived to  obtain  a  considerable  force  from  among 
the  Grauls  as  auxiliaries.  Antigonus,  also,  had 
Gauls  in  his  service,  for  they  themselves  were 


B.C. 273.]  RECONQUEST  OF  MACEDON.  239 

In  the  outset  Pyrrhus  is  successful. 

divided,  as  it  would  seem,  in  respect  both  to 
their  policy  and  their  leaders,  as  well  as  the 
Macedonians  ;  and  Antigonus,  taking  advant- 
age of  their  dissensions,  had  contrived  to  enlist 
some  portion  of  them  in  his  cause,  while  the  rest 
were  the  more  easily,  on  that  very  account,  in- 
duced to  join  the  expedition  of  Pyrrhus.  Things 
being  in  this  state,  Pyrrhus,  after  completing  his 
preparations,  commenced  his  march,  and  soon 
crossed  the  Macedonian  frontier. 

As  was  usually  the  case  with  the  enterprises 
which  he  engaged  in,  he  was,  in  the  outset,  very 
successful.  He  conquered  several  cities  and 
towns  as  he  advanced,  and  soon  began  to  enter- 
tain higher  views  in  respect  to  the  object  of  his 
expedition  than  he  had  at  first  formed.  Instead 
of  merely  plundering  the  frontier,  as  he  had  at 
first  intended,  he  began  to  think  that  it  would 
be  possible  for  him  to  subdue  Antigonus  entire- 
ly, and  reannex  the  whole  of  Macedon  to  his 
dominions.  He  was  well  known  in  Macedon, 
his  former  campaigns  in  that  country  having 
brought  him  very  extensively  before  the  people 
and  the  army  there.  He  had  been  a  general 
favorite,  too,  among  them  at  the^  time  when  he 
had  been  their  ruler;  the  people  admired  his 
personal  qualities  as  a  soldier,  and  had  been  ac- 


240  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  273. 

The  country  is  disposed  to  submit  to  him. 

customed  to  compare  him  with  Alexander, 
whom,  in  his  appearance  and  manners,  and  in 
a  certain  air  of  military  frankness  and  generos- 
ity which  characterized  him,  he  was  said  strong- 
ly to  resemble.  Pyrrhus  now  found,  as  he  ad- 
vanced into  the  country  of  Macedonia,  that  the 
people  were  disposed  to  regard  him  with  the 
same  sentiments  of  favor  which  they  had  for- 
merly entertained  for  him.  Several  of  the  gar- 
risons of  the  cities  joined  his  standard  ;  and  the 
detachments  of  troops  which  Antigonus  sent 
forward  to  the  frontier  to  check  his  progress,  in- 
stead of  giving  him  battle,  went  over  to  him  in 
a  body  and  espoused  his  cause.  In  a  word,  Pyr- 
rhus found  that,  unexpectedly  to  himself,  his 
expedition,  instead  of  being  merely  an  incursion 
across  the  frontiers  on  a  plundering  foray,  was 
assuming  the  character  of  a  regular  invasion. 
In  short,  the  progress  that  he  made  was  such, 
that  it  soon  became  manifest  that  to  meet  An- 
tigonus in  one  pitched  battle,  and  to  gain  one 
victory,  was  all  that  was  required  to  complete 
the  conquest  of  the  country. 

He  accordingly  concentrated  his  forces  more 
and  more,  strengthened  himself  by  every  means 
in  his  power,  and  advanced  further  and  further 
into  the  interior  of  the  country.  Antigonus  be- 


B.C.  273.]  RECONQUEST  OF  MACEDON.  241 


Combat  in  the  mountain  defile. 


gan  to  retire,  desirous,  perhaps,  of  reaching  some 
ground  where  he  could  post  himself  advantage- 
ously. Pyrrhus,  acting  with  his  customary  en- 
ergy, soon  overtook  the  enemy.  He  came  up 
with  the  rear  of  Antigonus's  army  in  a  narrow 
defile  among  the  mountains  ;  at  least,  the  place 
is  designated  as  a  narrow  defile  by  the  ancient 
historian  who  narrates  these  events,  though, 
from  the  number  of  men  that  were  engaged  in 
the  action  which  ensued,  as  well  as  from  the 
nature  of  the  action  itself,  as  a  historian  de- 
scribes it,  it  would  seem  that  there  must  have 
been  a  considerable  breadth  of  level  ground  in 
the  bottom  of  the  gorge. 

The  main  body  of  Antigonus's  troops  was  the 
phalanx.  The  Macedonian  phalanx  is  consid- 
ered one  of  the  most  extraordinary  military  con- 
trivances of  ancient  times.  The  invention  of  it 
was  ascribed  to  Philip,  the  father  of  Alexander 
the  Grreat,  though  it  is  probable  that  it  was  only 
improved  and  perfected,  and  brought  into  gen- 
eral use,  but  not  really  originated  by  him.  The 
single  phalanx  was  formed  of  a  body  of  about 
four  thousand  men.  These  men  were  arranged 
in  a  compact  form,  the  whole  body  consisting 
of  sixteen  ranks,  and  each  rank  of  two  hundred 
and  fifty-six  men.  These  men  wore  each  a 
22—16 


242  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  273. 

Account  of  the  phalanx.  Its  terrible  efficacy. 

short  sword,  to  be  used  in  cases  of  emergency, . 
and  were  defended  by  large  shields.  The  main 
peculiarity,  however,  of  their  armor,  and  the 
one  on  which  the  principal  power  of  the  phalanx 
depended  as  a  military  body,  was  in  the  im- 
mensely long  spears  which  they  carried.  These 
spears  were  generally  twenty-one,  and  some- 
times twenty-four  feet  long.  The  handles  were 
slender,  though  strong,  and  the  points  were  tip- 
ped with  steel.  The  spears  were  not  intended 
to  be  thrown,  but  to  be  held  firmly  in  the  hands, 
and  pointed  toward  the  enemy ;  and  they  were 
so  long,  and  the  ranks  of  the  men  were  so  close 
together,  that  the  spears  of  the  fifth  rank  pro- 
jected several  feet  before  the  men  who  stood  in 
the  front  rank.  Thus  each  man  in  the  front 
rank  had  five  steel-pointed  spears  projecting  to 
different  distances  before  him,  while  the  men 
who  stood  in  ranks  further  behind  rested  their 
spears  upon  the  shoulders  of  those  who  were 
before  them,  so  as  to  elevate  the  points  into  the 
air. 

The  men  were  protected  by  large  shields, 
which,  when  the  phalanx  was  formed  in  close 
array,  just  touched  each  other,  and  formed  an 
impregnable  defense.  In  a  word,  the  phalanx, 
as  it  moved  slowly  over  the  plain,  presented  the 


B.C.  273.]  RECONQUEST  OF  MACEDON.  243 

Impossibility  of  making  any  impression  upon  it. 

appearance  of  a  vast  monster,  covered  with 
scales,  and  bristling  with  points  of  steel — a  sort 
of  military  porcupine,  which  nothing  could  ap- 
proach or  in  any  way  injure.  Missiles  thrown 
toward  it  were  intercepted  by  the  shields,  and 
fell  harmless  to  the  ground.  Darts,  arrows,  jav- 
elins, and  every  other  weapon  which  could  be 
projected  from  a  distance,  were  equally  ineffect- 
ual, and  no  one  could  come  near  enough  to  men 
thus  protected  to  strike  at  them  with  the  sword. 
Even  cavalry  were  utterly  powerless  in  attack- 
ing such  chevaux  de  frise  as  the  phalanx  pre- 
sented. No  charge,  however  furious,  could 
break  its  serrated  ranks ;  an  onset  upon  it  could 
only  end  in  impaling  the  men  and  the  horses 
that  made  it  together  on  the  points  of  the  innu- 
merable spears. 

To  form  a  phalanx,  and  to  maneuver  it  suc- 
cessfully, required  a  special  training,  both  on 
the  part  of  the  officers  and  men,  and  in  the  Ma- 
cedonian armies  the  system  was  carried  to  very 
high  perfection.  When  foreign  auxiliaries,  how- 
ever, served  under  Macedonian  generals,  they 
were  not  generally  formed  in  this  way,  but  were 
allowed  to  fight  under  their  own  leaders,  and  in 
the  accustomed  manner  of  their  respective  na- 
tions. The  army  of  Antigonus,  accordingly,  as 


244  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  273. 

The  elephants.  Order  of  battle.  The  elephants  overpowered. 

he  was  retiring  before  Pyrrhus,  consisted  of  two 
portions.  The  phalanx  was  in  advance,  and 
large  bodies  of  Gauls,  armed  and  arrayed  in 
their  usual  manner,  were  in  the  rear.  Of  course, 
Pyrrhus,  as  he  came  up  with  this  force  in  the 
ravine  or  valley,  encountered  the  Gauls  first. 
Their  lines,  it  would  seem,  filled  up  the  whole 
valley  at  the  place  where  Pyrrhus  overtook  them, 
so  that,  at  the  outset  of  the  contest,  Pyrrhus  had 
them  only  to  engage.  There  was  not  space  suf- 
ficient for  the  phalanx  to  come  to  their  aid. 

Besides  the  phalanx  and  the  bodies  of  Grauls, 
there  was  a  troop  of  elephants  in  Antigonus's 
army.  Their  position,  as  it  would  seem,  was 
between  the  phalanx  and  the  Gauls.  This  be- 
ing the  state  of  things,  and  Pyrrhus  coming  up 
to  the  attack  hi  the  rear,  would,  of  course,  en- 
counter first  the  Gauls,  then  the  elephants,  and, 
lastly,  the  most  formidable  of  all,  the  phalanx 
itself. 

Pyrrhus  advanced  to  the  attack  of  the  Gauls 
with  the  utmost  fury,  and,  though  they  made 
a  very  determined  resistance,  they  were  soon 
overpowered  and  almost  all  cut  to  pieces.  The 
troop  of  elephants  came  next.  The  army  of 
Pyrrhus,  flushed  with  their  victory  over  the 
Gauls,  pressed  eagerly  on,  and  soon  so -surround- 


B.C.  273.]  RECONQUEST  OF  MACEDON.  245 

The  phalanx.  Pyrrhus  invites  the  enemy  to  join  him. 

ed  the  elephants  and  hemmed  them  in,  that  the 
keepers  of  them  perceived  that  all  hope  of  resist- 
ance was  vain.  They  surrendered  without  an 
effort  to  defend  themselves.  The  phalanx  now 
remained.  It  had  hastily  changed  its  front,  and 
it  stood  on  the  defensive.  Pyrrhus  advanced 
toward  it  with  his  forces,  Twinging  his  men  up 
in  array  in  front  of  the  long  lines  of  spears,  and 
paused.  The  bristling  monster  remained  im- 
movable, evincing  no  disposition  to  advance 
against  its  enemy,  but  awaiting,  apparently,  an 
attack.  Pyrrhus  rode  out  in  front  of  his  lines 
and  surveyed  the  body  of  Macedonians  before 
him.  He  found  that  he  knew  the  officers  per- 
sonally, having  served  with  them  before  in  the 
wars  in  which  he  had  been  engaged  in  Macedon 
in  former  years.  He  saluted  them,  calling  them 
by  name.  They  were  pleased  with  being  thus 
remembered  and  recognized  by  a  personage  so 
renowned.  Pyrrhus  urged  them  to  abandon 
Antigonus,  who  had,  as  he  maintained,  no  just 
title  to  the  crown,  and  whose  usurped  power  he 
was  about  to  overthrow,  and  invited  them  to 
enter  into  his  service,  as  the  ancient  and  right- 
ful sovereign  of  their  country.  The  officers 
seemed  much  disposed  to  listen  to  these  over- 
tures ;  in  fine,  they  soon  decided  to  accede  to 


246  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  272. 

Pyrrhus  is  victorious,  and  becomes  master  of  Macedon. 

them.  The  phalanx  went  over  to  Pyrrhus's 
side  in  a  body,  and  Antigonus,  being  thus  de- 
prived of  his  last  remaining  support,  left  the  field 
in  company  with  a  few  personal  followers,  and 
fled  for  his  life. 

Of  course,  Pyrrhus  found  himself  at  once  in 
complete  possession  of  the  Macedonian  kingdom. 
Antigonus  did  not,  indeed,  entirely  give  up  the 
contest.  He  retreated  toward  the  coast,  where 
he  contrived  to  hold  possession,  for  a  time,  of  a 
few  maritime  towns ;  but  his  power  as  King  of 
Macedon  was  gone.  Some  few  of  the  interior 
cities  attempted,  for  a  time,  to  resist  Pyrrhus's 
rule,  but  he  soon  overpowered  them.  Some  of 
the  cities  that  he  thus  conquered  he  garrisoned 
with  Gauls. 

Of  course,  after  such  a  revolution  as  this,  a 
great  deal  was  required  to  be  done  to  settle  the 
affairs  of  the  government  on  their  new  footing, 
and  to  make  the  kingdom  secure  in  the  hands 
of  the  conqueror ;  but  no  one  in  the  least  degree 
acquainted  with  the  character  and  tendencies 
of  Pyrrhus's  mind  could  expect  that  he  would 
be  at  all  disposed  to  attend  to  these  duties.  He 
had  neither  the  sagacity  to  plan  nor  the  stead- 
iness of  purpose  to  execute  such  measures.  He 
could  conquer,  but  that  was  all.  To  secure  the 


B.C.  272.]  RECONQUEST  OF  MACEDON.  247 

Complaints  of  the  people.  Pyrrhus  pays  little  regard  to  them. 

results  of  his  conquests  was  utterly  beyond  his 
power. 

In  fact,  far  from  making  such  a  use  of  his 
power  as  to  strengthen  his  position,  and  estab- 
lish a  permanent  and  settled  government,  he  so 
administered  the  affairs  of  state,  or,  rather,  he  so 
neglected  them,  that  very  soon  an  extended  dis- 
content and  disaffection  began  to  prevail.  The 
Gauls,  whom  he  had  left  as  garrisons  in  the 
conquered  cities,  governed  them  in  so  arbitrary 
a  manner,  and  plundered  them  so  recklessly,  as 
to  produce  extreme  irritation  among  the  people. 
They  complained  earnestly  to  Pyrrhus.  Pyr- 
rhus paid  little  attention  to  their  representa- 
tions. To  fight  a  battle  with  an  open  enemy  on 
the  field  was  always  a  pleasure  to  him  ;  but  to 
meet  and  grapple  with  difficulties  of  this  kind 
— to  hear  complaints,  and  listen  to  evidence, 
and  discuss  and  consider  remedies,  was  all 
weariness  and  toil  to  him. 

What  he  would  have  done,  and  what  would 
have  been  the  end  of  his  administration  in  Mac- 
edon,  had  he  been  left  to  himself,  can  not  now 
be  known ;  for,  very  fortunately,  as  he  deemed 
it,  he  was  suddenly  relieved  of  all  the  embar- 
rassment in  which  he  was  gradually  getting  in- 
volved, as  he  had  often  been  relieved  in  similar 


248  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  272. 

Pyrrhus  receives  an  unexpected  invitation. 

circumstances  before,  by  an  invitation  which 
came  to  him  just  at  this  time  to  embark  in  a 
new  military  enterprise,  which  would  draw  him 
away  from  the  country  altogether.  It  is  scarce- 
ly necessary  to  say  that  Pyrrhus  accepted  the 
invitation  with  the  most  eager  alacrity.  The 
circumstances  of  the  case  will  be  explained  in 
the  next  chapter. 


B.C.  J 000.]  SPARTA.  249 

Sparta.  Some  account  of  the  city.  The  Spartan  kings. 


CHAPTER  XL 

SPARTA. 

war  in  which  Pyrrhus  was  invited  to 
-*-  engage,  at  the  time  referred  to  at  the  close 
of  the  last  chapter,  arose  out  of  a  domestic  quar- 
rel in  one  of  the  royal  families  of  Sparta.  Spar- 
ta was  one  of  the  principal  cities  of  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus, and  the  capital  of  a  very  powerful 
and  warlike  kingdom.*  The  institutions  of 
government  in  this  commonwealth  were  very 
peculiar,  and  among  the  most  extraordinary  of 
them  all  was  the  arrangement  made  in  respect 
to  the  kingly  power.  There  were  two  dynas- 
ties, or  lines  of  kings,  reigning  conjointly.  The 
division  of  power  between  the  two  incumbents 
who  reigned  at  any  one  time  may  have  been 
somewhat  similar  to  that  made  in  Rome  be- 
tween the  consuls.  But  the  system  differed 
from  that  of  the  consular  government  in  the 
fact  that  the  Spartan  kings  were  not  elected 
magistrates,  like  the  Roman  consuls,  but  he- 
reditary sovereigns,  deriving  their  power  froia 
their  ancestors,  each  in  his  own  line. 

*"  ^or  the  situation  of  Sparta,  see  map. 


250  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  775. 

Origin  of  the  system.  Oracle  at  Delphi.  A  difficulty. 

The  origin  of  this  extraordinary  system  was 
said  to  be  this :  at  a  very  early  period  of  the 
Spartan  history,  a  king  died  suddenly,  leaving 
two  children  twins,  as  his  heirs,  but  without 
designating  either  one  of  them  as  his  successor. 
The  Spartans  then  applied  to  the  mother  of  the 
two  children  to  know  which  of  them  was  the 
first-born.  She  pretended  that  she  could  not 
tell.  They  then  applied  to  the  oracle  at  Delphi, 
asking  what  they  should  do.  The  response  of 
the  oracle  directed  them  to  make  both  the  chil- 
dren kings,  but  to  bestow  the  highest  honors 
upon  the  oldest.  By  this  answer  the  Spartans 
were  only  partially  relieved  from  their  dilemma ; 
for,  under  the  directions  of  the  oracle,  the  ne- 
cessity of  determining  the  question  of  priority 
in  respect  to  the  birth  of  the  two  children  re- 
mained, without  any  light  or  guidance  being 
afforded  them  in  respect  to  the  mode  of  doing  it. 

At  last  some  person  suggested  that  a  watch 
should  be  set  over  the  mother,  with  a  view  to 
ascertain  for  which  of  her  children  she  had  the 
strongest  affection.  They  supposed  that  she 
really  knew  which  was  the  first-born,  and  that 
she  would  involuntarily  give  to  the  one  whom 
she  regarded  in  that  light  the  precedence  in  the 
maternal  services  and  duties  which  she  render- 


B.C.  775.]  SPARTA.  251 

The  two  lines  of  kings.  A  diarchy.  Dissensions. 

ed  to  the  babes.  This  plan  succeeded.  It  was 
discovered  which  was  the  first-born,  and  which 
was  the  younger ;  and  the  Spartans,  according- 
ly, made  both  the  children  kings,  but  gave  the 
highest  rank  to  the  former,  as  the  oracle  had 
directed.  The  children  both  lived,  and  grew  up 
to  be  men,  and  in  due  time  were  married.  By 
a  singular  coincidence,  they  married  twin-sis- 
ters. In  the  two  families  thus  arising  origin- 
ated the  Spartan  lines  of  kings  that  reigned 
jointly  over  the  kingdom  for  many  successive 
generations.  To  express  this  extraordinary  sys- 
tem of  government,  it  has  sometimes  been  said 
that  Sparta,  though  governed  by  kings,  was  not 
a  monarchy,  but  a  diarchy. 

The  diarchy,  however,  as  might  have  been 
expected,  was  found  not  to  work  very  success- 
fully in  practice.  Various  dissensions  and  diffi- 
culties arose ;  and  at  length,  about  two  hundred 
years  after  the  original  establishment  of  the 
two  lines,  the  kingdom  became  almost  wholly 
disorganized.  At  this  juncture  the  celebrated 
lawgiver  Lycurgus  arose.  He  framed  a  system 
of  laws  and  regulations  for  the  kingdom,  which 
were  immediately  put  in  force,  and  resulted  not 
only  in  restoring  the  public  affairs  to  order  at 
the  time,  but  were  the  means*  in  the  end.  of 


252  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  775. 

Lycurgus.  His  family  Death  of  his  father. 

raising  Sparta  to  the  highest  condition  of  pros- 
perity and  renown. 

Lycurgus  was  indebted  for  his  success  in  the 
measures  which  he  adopted  not  merely  to  the 
sagacity  which  he  exercised  in  framing  them, 
and  the  energy  with  which  he  carried  them 
into  effect :  he  occupied  personally  a  very  pecul- 
iar position,  which  afforded  him  great  facilities 
for  the  performance  of  his  work.  He  was  a 
member  of  one  of  the  royal  families,  being  a 
younger  son  of  one  of  the  kings.  He  had  an 
elder  brother  named  Polydectes.  His  father 
died  suddenly,  from  a  stab  that  he  received  in 
a  fray.  He  was  not  personally  engaged  in  the 
fray  himself  as  one  of  the  combatants,  but  only 
went  into  it  to  separate  other  persons,  who  had 
by  some  means  become  involved  in  a  sudden 
quarrel.  In  the  struggle,  he  received  a  stab 
from  a  kitchen  knife,  with  which  one  of  the 
combatants  was  armed,  and  immediately  died. 

Polydectes,  of  course,  being  the  eldest  son, 
succeeded  to  the  throne.  He,  however,  very 
soon  died,  leaving  a  wife,  but  no  children.  About 
eight  months  after  his  death,  however,  a  child 
was  born  to  his  widow,  and  this  child,  accord- 
ing to  the  then  received  principles  of  hereditary 
descent,  was  entitled  to  succeed  his  father. 


B.C.  775.]  SPARTA.  253 

Lycurgus  assumes  the  crown.  Atrocious  proposal. 

As,  however,  at  the  time  of  Polydectes's  death 
the  child  was  not  born,  Lycurgus,  the  brother, 
was  then  apparently  the  heir.  He  accordingly 
assumed  the  government — so  far  as  the  govern- 
ment devolved  upon  the  line  to  which  his  brother 
had  belonged — intending  only  to  hold  it  in  the 
interim,  and  to  give  it  up  ultimately  when  the 
proper  heir  should  appear.  In  the  mean  time, 
the  widow  supposed  very  naturally  that  he 
would  like  to  retain  the  power  permanently. 
She  was  herself  also  ambitious  of  reigning  as 
queen  ;  and  she  accordingly  made  to  Lycurgus 
the  atrocious  and  unnatural  proposal  to  destroy 
the  life  of  her  child,  on  condition  that  he  would 
marry  her,  and  allow  her  to  share  the  kingdom 
with  him.  Lycurgus  was  much  shocked  at 
receiving  such  a  proposition,  but  he  deemed  it 
best,  for  the  time  being,  to  appear  to  accede  to 
it.  He  accordingly  represented  to  the  queen 
that  it  would  not  be  best  for  her  to  make  the  at- 
tempt which  she  had  proposed,  lest  she  should 
thereby  endanger  her  own  safety.  "Wait," 
said  he,  "  and  let  me  know  as  soon  as  the  child 
is  born ;  then  leave  every  thing  to  me.  I  will 
do  myself  whatever  is  required  to  be  done." 

Lycurgus,  moreover,  had  attendants,  provided 
with  orders  to  keep  themselves  in  readiness 


254  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  775. 

Plan  arranged  for  disposing  of  the  child. 

when  the  child  should  be  born,  and,  if  it  proved 
to  be  a  son,  to  bring  the  babe  to  him  immedi- 
ately, wherever  he  might  be,  or  however  he 
might  be  engaged.  If  it  proved  to  be  a  daugh- 
ter >  they  were  to  leave  it  in  the  hands  of  the 
woman  who  had  charge  of  the  queen.  The 
babe  proved  to  be  a  son.  The  officers  took  it, 
accordingly,  and  brought  it  at  once  to  Lycur- 
gus.  The  unnatural  mother,  of  course,  under- 
stood that  it  was  taken  away  from  her  to  be 
destroyed,  and  she  acquiesced  in  the  supposed 
design,  in  order,  by  sacrificing  her  child,  to  per- 
petuate her  own  queenly  dignity  and  power. 
Lycurgus,  however,  was  intending  to  conduct 
the  affair  to  a  very  different  result. 

At  the  time  when  the  attendants  brought  the 
new-born  babe  to  Lycurgus's  house,  Lycurgus 
was  engaged  with  a  party  of  friends  whom  he 
had  invited  to  a  festival.  These  friends  consist- 
ed of  nobles,  generals,  ministers  of  state,  and 
other  principal  personages  of  the  Spartan  com- 
monwealth, whom  Lycurgus  had  thus  assem- 
bled in  anticipation,  probably,  of  what  was  to 
take  place.  The  attendants  had  been  ordered 
to  bring  the  child  to  him  without  delay,  wher- 
ever they  might  find  him.  They  accordingly 
came  into  the  apartment  where  Lycurgus  and 


B.C.  775.  SPARTA.  255 


his  friends  were  assembled,  bringing  the  infant 
with  them  in  their  arms.  Lycurgus  received 
him,  and  holding  him  up  before  the  company, 
called  out  to  them,  in  a  loud  voice,  "  Spartans, 
T  present  to  you  your  new-born  king  !"  The 
people  received  the  young  prince  with  the  most 
extravagant  demonstrations  of  joy  ;  and  Lycur- 
gus named  him  Charilaus,  which  means,  "  Dear 
to  the  people." 

The  conduct  of  Lycurgus  on  this  occasion 
was  thought  to  be  very  generous  and  noble, 
since  by  bringing  the  child  forward  as  the  true 
heir  to  the  crown,  he  surrendered  at  once  all  his 
own  pretensions  to  the  inheritance,  and  made 
himself  a  private  citizen.  Very  few  of  the  sons 
of  kings,  either  in  ancient  or  modern  times, 
would  have  pursued  such  a  course.  But,  though 
in  respect  to  his  position,  he  abased  himself  by 
thus  descending  from  his  place  upon  the  throne 
to  the  rank  of  a  private  citizen,  he  exalted  him- 
self very  highly  in  respect  to  influence  and  char- 
acter. He  was  at  once  made  protector  of  the 
person  of  the  child  and  regent  of  the  realm  dur- 
ing the  young  king's  minority  ;  and  all  the  people 
of  the  city,  applauding  the  noble  deed  which  he 
had  performed,  began  to  entertain  toward  him 
feelings  of  the  highest  respect  and  veneration. 


256  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  775. 

Serious  difficulties  encountered.  Resentment  of  the  queen. 

It  proved,  however,  that  there  were  yet  very 
serious  difficulties,  which  he  was  destined  to 
meet  and  surmount  before  the  way  should  be 
fully  open  for  the  performance  of  the  great  work 
for  which  he  afterward  became  so  renowned. 
Although  the  people  generally  of  Sparta  greatly 
applauded  the  conduct  of  Lycurgus,  and  placed 
the  utmost  confidence  in  him,  there  were  still  a 
few  who  hated  and  opposed  him.  Of  course, 
the  queen  herself,  whose  designs  he  had  thwart- 
ed, was  extremely  indignant  at  having  been 
thus  deceived.  Not  only  was  her  own  personal 
ambition  disappointed  by  the  failure  of  her  de- 
sign, but  her  womanly  pride  was  fatally  wound- 
ed in  having  been  rejected  by  Lycurgus  in  the 
offer  which  she  had  made  to  become  his  wife. 
She  and  her  friends,  therefore,  were  implacably 
hostile  to  him.  She  had  a  brother,  named  Le- 
onidas,  who  warmly  espoused  her  cause.  Le- 
onidas  quarreled  openly  with  Lycurgus.  He 
addressed  him  one  day,  in  the  presence  of  sev- 
eral witnesses,  in  a  very  violent  and  threatening 
manner.  "I  know  very  well,"  said  he,  "that 
your  seeming  disinterestedness,  and  your  show 
of  zeal  for  the  safety  and  welfare  of  the  young 
king,  are  all  an  empty  pretense.  You  are  plot- 
ting to  destroy  him,  and  to  raise  yourself  to  the 


B.C.  775.]  SPARTA.  257 

Lycurgus  resolves  on  exiling  himself  from  Sparta. 

throne  in  his  stead ;  and  if  we  wait  a  short  time, 
we  shall  see  you  accomplishing  the  results  at 
which  you  are  really  aiming,  in  your  iniquitous 
and  hypocritical  policy." 

On  hearing  these  threats  and  denunciations, 
Lycurgus,  instead  of  making  an  angry  reply  to 
them,  began  at  once  calmly  to  consider  what  it 
would  be  best  for  him  to  do.  He  reflected  that 
the  life  of  the  child  was  uncertain,  notwith- 
standing every  precaution  which  he  might  make 
for  the  preservation  of  it ;  and  if  by  any  casual- 
ty it  should  die,  his  enemies  might  charge  him 
with  having  secretly  murdered  it.  He  resolved, 
therefore,  to  remove  at  once  and  forever  all  pos- 
sible suspicion,  present  or  prospective,  of  the  pu- 
rity of  his  motives,  by  withdrawing  altogether 
from  Sparta  until  the  child  should  come  of  age. 
He  accordingly  made  arrangements  for  placing 
the  young  king  under  protectors  who  could  not 
be  suspected  of  collusion  with  him  for  any  guilty 
purpose,  and  also  organized  an  administration 
to  govern  the  country  until  the  king  should  be 
of  age.  Having  taken  these  steps,  he  bade 
Sparta  farewell,  and  set  out  upon  a  long  and 
extended  course  of  travels. 

He  was  gone  from  his  native  land  many 
years,  during  which  period  he  visited  all  the 
22—17 


258  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  775. 

Adventures  of  Lycurgus  during  his  absence. 

principal  states  and  kingdoms  of  the  earth,  em- 
ploying himself,  wherever  he  went,  in  studying 
the  history,  the  government,  and  the  institutions 
of  the  countries  through  which  he  journeyed, 
and  in  visiting  and  conversing  with  all  the  most 
distinguished  men.  He  went  first  to  Crete,  a 
large  island  which  lay  south  of  the  JEgean  Sea, 
its  western  extremity  being  not  far  from  the 
coast  of  Peloponnesus.  After  remaining  for 
some  time  in  Crete,  visiting  all  its  principal  cit- 
ies, and  making  himself  thoroughly  acquainted 
with  its  history  and  condition,  he  sailed  for  Asia 
Minor,  and  visited  all  the  chief  capitals  there. 
From  Asia  Minor  he  went  to  Egypt,  and,  after 
finishing  his  observations  and  studies  in  the  cit- 
ies of  the  Nile,  he  journeyed  westward,  and 
passed  through  all  the  countries  lying  on  the 
northern  coast  of  Africa,  and  then  from  Africa 
he  crossed  over  into  Spain.  He  remained  long 
enough  in  each  place  that  he  visited  to  make 
himself  very  thoroughly  acquainted  with  its  phi- 
losophy, its  government,  its  civilization,  its  state 
of  progress  in  respect  to  the  arts  and  usages  of 
social  life  —  with  every  thing,  in  fact,  which 
could  have  a  bearing  upon  national  prosperity 
and  welfare. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  current  of  affairs  at 


B.C.  775.]  SPARTA.  259 

Account  of  Charilaus.         His  inefficiency.         Discontent  of  the  people. 

Sparta  flowed  by  no  means  smoothly.  As  years 
rolled  on,  and  the  young  prince,  Charilaus,  ad- 
vanced toward  the  period  of  manhood,  he  became 
involved  in  various  difficulties,  which  greatly 
embarrassed  and  perplexed  him.  He  was  of  a 
very  amiable  and  gentle  disposition,  but  was- 
wholly  destitute  of  the  strength  and  energy  of 
character  required  for  the  station  in  which  he 
was  placed.  Disagreements  arose  between  him 
and  the  other  king.  They  both  quarreled,  too, 
with  their  nobles  and  with  the  people.  The 
people  did  not  respect  them,  and  gradually  learn- 
ed to  despise  their  authority.  They  remember- 
ed the  efficiency  and  the  success  of  Lycurgus's 
government,  and  the  regularity  and  order  which, 
had  marked  the  whole  course  of  public  affairs 
during  his  administration.  They  appreciated 
now,  too,  more  fully  than  before,  the  noble  per- 
sonal qualities  which  Lycurgus  had  evinced — 
his  comprehensiveness  of  view,  his  firmness  of 
purpose,  his  disinterestedness,  his  generosity ; 
and  they  contrasted  the  lofty  sentiments  and 
principles  which  had  always  governed  him  with, 
the  weakness,  the  childishness,  and  the  petty 
ambition  of  their  actual  kings.  In  a  word,  they 
all  wished  that  Lycurgus  would  return. 

Even  the  kings  themselves  participated  in 


260  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  775. 

Lycurgus  is  invited  to  return.  He  finally  complies. 

this  wish.  They  perceived  that  their  affairs 
were  getting  into  confusion,  and  began  to  feel 
apprehension  and  anxiety.  Lycurgus  received 
repeated  messages  from  them  and  from  the  peo- 
ple of  Sparta,  urging  him  to  return,  but  he  de- 
clined to  accept  these  proposals,  and  went  on 
with  his  travels  and  his  studies  as  before. 

At  last,  however,  the  Spartans  sent  a  formal 
embassy  to  Lycurgus,  representing  to  him  the 
troubled  condition  of  public  affairs  in  Sparta, 
and  the  dangers  which  threatened  the  common- 
wealth, and  urging  him  in  the  most  pressing 
manner  to  return.  These  embassadors,  in  their 
interview  with  Lycurgus,  told  him  that  they 
had  kings,  indeed,  at  Sparta,  so  far  as  birth, 
and  title,  and  the  wearing  of  royal  robes  would 
go,  but  as  for  any  royal  qualities  beyond  this 
mere  outside  show,  they  had  seen  nothing  of 
the  kind  since  Lycurgus  had  left  them. 

Lycurgus  finally  concluded  to  comply  with 
the  request.  He  returned  to  Sparta.  Here  he 
employed  himself  for  a  time  in  making  a  care- 
ful examination  into  the  state  of  the  country, 
and  in  conversing  with  the  principal  men  of  in- 
fluence in  the  city,  and  renewing  his  acquaint- 
ance with  them.  At  length  he  formed  a  plan 
for  an  entire  organization  of  the  government. 


B.C.  775.]  SPARTA.  261 

He  consults  the  oracle  at  Delphi.  The  response. 

He  proposed  this  plan  to  the  principal  men,  and, 
having  obtained  the  consent  of  a  sufficient  num- 
ber of  them  to  the  leading  provisions  of  his  new 
constitution,  he  began  to  take  measures  for  the 
public  promulgation  and  establishment  of  it. 

The  first  step  was  to  secure  a  religious  sanc- 
tion for  his  proceedings,  in  order  to  inspire  the 
common  people  with  a  feeling  of  reverence  and 
awe  for  his  authority.  He  accordingly  left 
Sparta,  saying  that  he  was  going  to  consult  the 
oracle  at  Delphi.  In  due  time  he  returned, 
bringing  with  him  the  response  of  the  oracle. 
The  response  was  as  follows  : 

"  Lycurgus  is  beloved  of  the  gods,  and  is  him- 
self divine.  The  laws  which  he  has  framed  are 
perfect,  and  under  them  a  commonwealth  shall 
arise  which  shall  hereafter  become  the  most 
famous  in  the  world." 

This  response,  having  been  made  known  in 
Sparta,  impressed  every  one  with  a  very  high 
sense  of  the  authority  of  Lycurgus,  and  disposed 
all  classes  of  people  to  acquiesce  in  the  coming 
change.  Lycurgus  did  not,  however,  rely  en- 
tirely on  this  disposition.  When  the  time  came 
for  organizing  the  new  government,  he  stationed 
an  armed  force  in  the  market-place  one  morning 
at  a  very  early  hour,  so  that  the  people,  when 


262  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  775. 

Charilaus  is  terrified.  He  flies  to  a  sanctuary. 

they  came  forth,  as  usual,  into  the  streets,  found 
that  Lycurgus  had  taken  military  possession  of 
the  city.  The  first  feeling  was  a  general  ex- 
citement and  alarm.  Charilaus,  the  king,  who, 
it  seems,  had  not  been  consulted  in  these  move- 
ments at  all,  was  very  much  terrified.  He  sup- 
posed that  an  insurrection  had  taken  place 
against  his  authority,  and  that  his  life  was  in 
danger.  To  save  himself,  he  fled  to  one  of  the 
temples  as  to  a  sanctuary.  Lycurgus  sent  to 
him,  informing  him  that  those  engaged  in  the 
revol'^ion  which  had  taken  place  intended  no 
injury  to  him,  either  in  respect  to  his  person  or 
his  royal  prerogatives.  By  these  assurances  the 
fears  of  Charilaus  were  allayed,  and  thenceforth 
he  co-operated  with  Lycurgus  in  carrying  his 
measures  into  effect. 

This  is  not  the  place  for  a  full  account  of  the 
plan  of  government  which  Lycurgus  introduced, 
nor  of  the  institutions  which  gradually  grew  up 
under  it.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  the  sys- 
tem which  he  adopted  was  celebrated  through- 
out the  world  during  the  period  of  its  continu- 
ance, and  has  since  been  celebrated  in  every 
age,  as  being  the  most  stern  and  rugged  social 
system  that  was  ever  framed.  The  common- 
wealth of  Sparta  became,  under  the  institutions 


B.C.  775.]  SPARTA.  263 

Nature  and  effects  of  the  institutions  of  Lycurgus. 

of  Lycurgus,  one  great  camp.  The  nation  was 
a  nation  of  soldiers.  Every  possible  device  was 
resorted  to  to  inure  all  classes  of  the  population, 
the  young  and  the  old,  the  men  and  the  wom- 
en, the  rich  and  the  poor,  to  every  species  of 
hardship  and  privation.  The  only  qualities  that 
were  respected  or  cultivated  were  such  stern 
virtues  as  courage,  fortitude,  endurance,  insen- 
sibility to  pain  and  grief,  and  contempt  for  all 
the  pleasures  of  wealth  and  luxury.  Lycurgus 
did  not  write  out  his  system.  He  would  not 
allow  it  to  be  written  out.  He  preferred  to  put 
it  in  operation,  and  then  leave  it  to  perpetuate 
itself,  as  a  matter  of  usage  and  precedent.  Ac- 
cordingly, after  fully  organizing  the  government 
on  the  plan  which  he  had  arranged,  and  an- 
nouncing the  laws,  and  establishing  the  cus- 
toms by  which  he  intended  that  the  ordinary 
course  of  social  life  should  be  regulated,  he  de- 
termined to  withdraw  from  the  field  and  await 
the  result.  He  therefore  informed  the  people 
that  he  was  going  away  again  on  another  jour- 
ney, and  that  he  would  leave  the  carrying  for- 
ward of  the  government  which  he  had  framed 
for  them  and  initiated  in  their  hands;  and  he 
required  of  them  a  solemn  oath  that  they  would 
make  no  change  in  the  system  until  he  return- 


264  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  775. 

The  character  and  spirit  of  the  Spartans.          Message  sent  to  Pyrrhus. 

ed.  In  doing  this,  his  secret  intention  was 
never  to  return. 

Such  was  the  origin,  and  such  the  genera] 
character  of  the  Spartan  government.  In  the 
time  of  Pyrrhus,  the  system  had  been  in  oper- 
ation for  about  five  hundred  years.*  During 
this  period  the  state  passed  through  many  and 
various  vicissitudes.  It  engaged  in  wars,  offen- 
sive and  defensive ;  it  passed  through  many  ca- 
lamitous and  trying  scenes,  suffering,  from  time 
to  time,  under  the  usual  ills  which,  in  those 
days,  so  often  disturbed  the  peace  and  welfare 
of  nations.  But  during  all  this  time,  the  com- 
monwealth retained  in  a  very  striking  degree 
the  extraordinary  marks  and  characteristics 
which  the  institutions  of  Lycurgus  had  en- 
stamped  upon  it.  The  Spartans  still  were  ter- 
rible in  the  estimation  of  all  mankind,  so  stern 
and  indomitable  was  the  spirit  which  they  man- 
ifested in  all  the  enterprises  in  which  they  en- 
gaged. 

It  was  from  Sparta  that  the  message  came 
to  Pyrrhus  asking  his  assistance  in  a  war  that 

*  The  precise  time  at  which  the  events  connected  with  the 
early  history  of  Sparta  really  occurred  is  not  satisfactorily  de- 
termined, so  that  the  dates  placed  at  the  heads  of  the  pages 
can  only  he  regarded  as  approximations. 


B.C.  272.]  SPARTA.  265 

Account  of  Cleonymus.  Areus  becomes  king. 

was  then  waging  there.  The  war  originated 
in  a  domestic  quarrel  which  arose  in  the  family 
of  one  of  the  lines  of  kings.  The  name  of  the 
prince  who  made  application  to  Pyrrhus  was 
Cleonymus.  He  was  a  younger  son  of  one  of 
the  Spartan  kings.  He  had  had  an  older  brother 
named  Acrotatus.  The  crown,  of  course,  would 
have  devolved  on  this  brother,  if  he  had  been 
living  when  the  father  died.  But  he  was  not. 
He  died  before  his  father,  leaving  a  son,  how- 
ever, named  Areus,  as  his  heir.  Areus,  of 
course,  claimed  the  throne  when  his  grandfather 
died.  He  was  not  young  himself  at  this  time. 
He  had  advanced  beyond  the  period  of  middle 
life,  and  had  a  son  who  had  grown  up  to  ma- 
turity. 

Cleonymus  was  very  unwilling  to  acquiesce 
in  the  accession  of  Areus  to  the  throne.  He 
was  himself  the  son  of  the  king  who  had  died, 
while  Areus  was  only  the  grandson.  He  main- 
tained, therefore,  that  he  had  the  highest  claim 
to  the  succession.  He  was,  however,  overruled, 
and  Areus  assumed  the  crown. 

Soon  after  his  accession,  Areus  left  Sparta 
and  went  to  Crete,  intrusting  the  government 
of  his  kingdom,  in  the  mean  time,  to  his  son. 
The  name  of  this  son  was  Acrotatus.  Cleony- 


266  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  272. 

Affair  of  Cleonymus  and  Chilidonis.  Appeal  to  Pyrrhus. 

mus,  of  course,  looked  with  a  particularly  evil 
«ye  upon  this  young  man,  and  soon  began  to 
form  designs  against  him.  At  length,  after  the 
lapse  of  a  considerable  period,  during  which  va- 
rious events  occurred  which  can  not  be  here  de- 
scribed, a  circumstance  took  place  which  ex- 
cited the  hostility  which  Cleonymus  felt  for 
Acrotatus  to  the  highest  degree.  The  circum- 
stances were  these  : 

Cleonymus,  though  far  advanced  in  life, 
married,  about  the  time  that  the  events  occur- 
red which  we  are  here  describing,  a  very  young 
lady  named  Chelidonis.  Chelidonis  was  a 
princess  of  the  royal  line,  and  was  a  lady  of 
great  personal  beauty.  She,  however,  had  very 
little  affection  for  her  husband,  and  at  length 
Acrotatus,  who  was  young  and  attractive  in 
person,  succeeded  in  winning  her  love,  and  en- 
ticing her  away  from  her  husband.  This  affair 
excited  the  mind  of  Cleonymus  to  a  perfect 
phrensy  of  jealousy  and  rage.  He  immediately 
left  Sparta,  and,  knowing  well  the  character 
and  disposition  of  Pyrrhus,  he  proceeded  north- 
ward to  Macedon,  laid  his  case  before  Pyrrhus, 
and  urged  him  to  fit  out  an  expedition  and 
march  to  the  Peloponnesus,  with  a  view  of  aid- 
ing him  to  put  down  the  usurpers,  as  he  called 


B.C. 272.]  SPARTA.  ,    267X 

Pyrrhus  determines  to  inarch  into  Greece. 

them,  and  to  establish  him  on  the  throne  of 
Sparta  instead.  Pyrrhus  immediately  saw  that 
the  conjuncture  opened  before  him  a  prospect 
of  a  very  brilliant  campaign,  in  a  field  entirely 
new,  and  he  at  once  determined  to  embark 
forthwith  in  the  enterprise.  He  resolved,  ac- 
cordingly, to  abandon  his  interests  in  Macedon 
and  march  into  Greece. 


268    ,  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  272. 

Pyrrhus  makes  preparations  for  his  campaign. 


CHAPTER  XII. 
THE  LAST  CAMPAIGN  OF  PYRRHUS. 

IMMEDIATELY  on  receiving  the  invitation 
of  Cleonymus,  Pyrrhus  commenced  making 
preparations  on  a  very  extensive  scale  for  the 
intended  campaign.  He  gathered  all  the  troops 
that  he  could  command,  both  from  Macedon 
and  Epirus.  He  levied  taxes  and  contributions, 
provided  military  stores  of  every  kind,  and  en- 
tered into  all  the  other  arrangements  required 
for  such  an  enterprise.  These  preliminary  oper- 
ations required  a  considerable  time,  so  that  he 
was  not  ready  to  commence  his  march  until 
the  following  year.  "When  all  was  ready,  he 
found  that  his  force  consisted  of  twenty-five 
thousand  foot,  two  thousand  horse,  and  a  troop 
of  twenty-four  elephants.  He  had  two  sons, 
neither  of  whom,  it  would  seem,  was  old  enough 
to  be  intrusted  with  the  command,  either  in 
Macedon  or  Epirus,  during  his  absence,  and  he 
accordingly  determined  to  take  them  with  him. 
Their  names  were  Ptolemy  and  Helenus.  Pyr- 


B.C.272.]   THE    LAST    CAMPAIGN.  269 

Pyrrlius's  designs.  Excitement  in  Greec*. 

rhus  himself  at  this  time  was  about  forty-five 
years  of  age. 

Although  in  this  expedition  Cleonymus  sup- 
posed that  Pyrrhus  was  going  into  Greece  only 
as  his  ally,  and  that  the  sole  object  of  the  war 
was  to  depose  Areus  and  place  Cleonymus  on 
the  throne  in  his  stead,  Pyrrhus  himself  enter- 
tained far  different  designs.  His  intention  was, 
while  invading  the  country  in  Cleonymus's 
name,  to  overrun  and  conquer  it  all,  with  a  view 
of  adding  it  to  his  own  dominions.  Of  course, 
he  gave  no  intimation  to  Cleonymus  that  he 
entertained  any  such  designs. 

The  approach  of  Pyrrhus  naturally  produced 
great  excitement  and  commotion  in  Sparta. 
His  fame  as  a  military  commander  was  known 
throughout  the  world ;  and  the  invasion  of  their 
country  by  such  a  conqueror,  at  the  head  of  so 
large  a  force,  was  calculated  to  awaken  great 
alarm  among  the  people.  The  Spartans,  how- 
ever, were  not  much  accustomed  to  be  alarmed. 
They  immediately  began  to  make  preparations 
to  defend  themselves.  They  sent  forward  an 
embassage  to  meet  Pyrrhus  on  the  way,  and  de- 
mand wherefore  he  was  coming.  Pyrrhus  made 
evasive  and  dishonest  replies.  He  was  not  in- 
tending, he  said,  to  commit  any  hostilities  against 


270  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  272. 

Pyrrhus's  army  advances  toward  Sparta.  Embassadors- 

Sparta.  His  business  was  with  certain  other 
cities  of  the  Peloponnesus,  which  had  been  for 
some  time  under  a  foreign  yoke,  and  which  he 
was  now  coming  to  free.  The  Spartans  were 
not  deceived  by  these  protestations,  but  time 
was  gained,  and  this  was  Pyrrhus's  design. 

His  army  continued  to  advance,  and  in  it» 
progress  began  to  seize  and  plunder  towns  be- 
longing to  the  Spartan  territory.  The  Spartans 
sent  embassadors  again,  demanding  what  these 
proceedings  meant.  The  embassadors  charged 
it  upon  Pyrrhus,  that,  contrary  to  the  laws  and 
usages  of  nations,  he  was  making  war  upon 
them  without  having  previously  declared  war. 

"  And  do  you  Spartans,"  said  Pyrrhus,  in  re- 
ply, "  always  tell  the  world  whatever  you  are 
going  to  do  before  you  do  it  ?"  Such  a  rejoin- 
der was  virtually  acknowledging  that  the  object 
of  the  expedition  was  an  attack  on  Sparta  it- 
self. The  embassadors  so  understood  it,  and  bid 
the  invader  defiance. 

"  Let  there  be  war,  then,"  said  they,  "  if  you 
will  have  it  so.  "We  do  not  fear  you,  whether 
you  are  a  god  or  a  man.  If  you  are  a  god,  you 
will  not  be  disposed  to  do  us  any  injury,  for  we 
have  never  injured  you.  If  you  are  a  man, 
you  can  not  harm  us,  for  we  can  produce  men 


B.C. 272.]  THE    LAST    CAMPAIGN.          271 

Pyrrhus  arrives  at  Sparta.  He  postpones  the  attack. 

in  Sparta  able  to  meet  any  other  man  what- 
ever." 

The  embassadors  then  returned  to  Sparta, 
and  the  people  immediately  pushed  forward 
with  all  diligence  their  preparations  for  putting 
the  city  in  an  attitude  of  defense. 

Pyrrhus  continued  his  march,  and  at  length, 
toward  evening,  approached  the  walls  of  the 
city.  Cleonymus,  who  knew  well  what  sort  of 
enemies  they  had  to  deal  with,  urgently  recom- 
mended that  an  assault  should  be  made  that 
night,  supposing  that  the  Spartans  would  suc- 
ceed in  making  additional  defenses  if  the  attack 
were  postponed  until  the  morning.  Pyrrhus, 
however,  was  disposed  not  to  make  the  attack 
until  the  following  day.  He  felt  perfectly  sure 
of  his  prize,  and  was,  accordingly,  in  no  haste 
to  seize  it.  He  thought,  it  was  said,  that  if  the 
attack  were  made  in  the  night,  the  soldiers 
would  plunder  the  city,  and  thus  he  should  lose 
a  considerable  part  of  the  booty  which  he  hoped 
otherwise  to  secure  for  himself.  He  could  con- 
trol them  better  in  the  daytime.  He  according- 
ly determined  to  remain  in  his  camp,  without 
the  city,  during  the  night,  and  to  advance  to  the 
assault  in  the  morning.  So  he  ordered  the  tents 
to  be  pitched  on  the  plain,  and  sat  quietly  down. 


272  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  272. 

Plans  of  the  Spartans.  They  propose  to  remove  the  women. 

In  the  mean  time,  great  activity  prevailed 
within  the  walls.  The  senate  was  convened, 
and  was  engaged  in  debating  and  deciding  the 
various  questions  that  necessarily  arise  in  such 
an  emergency.  A  plan  was  proposed  for  remov- 
ing the  women  from  the  city,  in  order  to  save 
them  from  the  terrible  fate  which  would  inev- 
itably await  them,  should  the  army  of  Pyrrhus 
be  successful  on  the  following  day.  It  was 
thought  that  they  might  go  out  secretly  on  the 
side  opposite  to  that  on  which  Pyrrhus  was  en- 
camped, and  thence  be  conducted  to  the  sea- 
shore, where  they  might  be  conveyed  in  ships 
and  galleys  to  the  island  of  Crete,  which,  as  wilL 
appear  from  the  map,  was  situated  at  no  great 
distance  from  the  Spartan  coast.  By  this  means 
the  mothers  and  daughters,  it  was  thought, 
would  be  saved,  whatever  might  be  the  fate  of 
the  husbands  and  brothers.  The  news  that  the 
senate  were  discussing  such  a  plan  as  this  was 
soon  spread  abroad  among  the  people.  The 
women  were  aroused  to  the  most  strenuous  op- 
position against  this  plan.  They  declared  that 
they  never  would  seek  safety  for  themselves  by 
going  away,  and  leaving  their  fathers,  husbands, 
and  brothers  hi  such  danger.  They  commission- 
ed one  of  their  number,  a  princess  named  Ar- 


B.C. 272.]  THE    LAST    CAMPAIGN.  272 

The  women  send  a  delegation  into  the  senate-chamber. 

chidamia,  to  make  known  to  the  senate  th& 
views  which  they  entertained  of  this  proposal. 
Archidamia  went  boldly  into  the  senate-cham- 
ber, with  a  drawn  sword  in  her  hand,  and  there- 
arrested  the  discussion  in  which  the  senators 
were  engaged  by  demanding  how  they  could 
entertain  such  an  opinion  of  the  women  of  Sparta 
as  to  suppose  that  they  could  survive  the  -de- 
struction of  the  city  and  the  death  of  all  whom 
they  loved.  They  did  not  wish  to  be  saved,  the 
said,  unless  all  could  be  saved  together ;  and 
she  implored  the  senate  to  abandon  at  once  all 
ideas  of  sending  them  away,  and  allow  them, 
instead,  to  take  their  share  in  the  necessary  la- 
bors required  for  the  defense  of  the  city.  The 
senate  yielded  to  this  appeal,  and,  abandoning- 
the  design  which  they  had  entertained  of  send- 
ing the  women  away,  turned  their  attention 
immediately  to  plans  of  defense. 

While  these  earnest  consultations  and  discus- 
sions were  going  on  in  the  senate,  and  hi  the 
streets  and  dwellings  of  the  city,  there  was  one 
place  which  presented  a  scene  of  excitement  of 
a  very  different  kind — namely,  the  palace  of 
Cleonymus.  There  all  were  in  a  state  of  eager 
anticipation,  expecting  the  speedy  arrival  of 
their  master.  The  domestics  believed  confident- 
22—18 


274  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  272. 

Preparations  for  receiving  Cleonymus.  His  wife. 

ly  that  an  attack  would  be  made  upon  the  city 
that  night  by  the  combined  army  of  Cleonymus 
and  Pyrrhus ;  and  presuming  that  it  would  be 
successful,  they  supposed  that  their  master,  as 
soon  as  the  troops  should  obtain  possession  of 
the  city,  would  come  home  at  once  to  his  own 
house,  bringing  his  distinguished  ally  with  him. 
They  busied  themselves,  therefore,  in  adorning 
and  preparing  the  apartments  of  the  house,  and 
in  making  ready  a  splendid  entertainment,  in 
order  that  they  might  give  to  Cleonymus  and 
his  friend  a  suitable  reception  when  they  should 
arrive. 

Chelidonis,  however,  the  young  and  beauti- 
ful, but  faithless  wife  of  Cleonymus,  was  not 
there.  She  had  long  since  left  her  husband's 
dwelling,  and  now  she  was  full  of  suspense  and 
anxiety  in  respect  to  his  threatened  return.  If 
the  city  should  be  taken,  she  knew  very  well 
that  she  must  necessarily  fall  again  into  her 
husband's  power,  and  she  determined  that  she 
never  would  fall  into  his  power  again  alive.  So 
she  retired  to  her  apartment,  and  there  putting 
a  rope  around  her  neck,  and  making  all  other 
necessary  preparations,  she  awaited  the  issue  of 
the  battle,  resolved  to  destroy  herself  the  mo- 
ment she  should  hear  tidings  that  Pyrrhus  had 
gained  the  victory. 


B.C. 272.]  THE    LAST    CAMPAIGN.  275 

The  Spartans  resolve  to  attack  Pyrrhus  in  the  morning. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  military  leaders  of  the 
Spartans  were  engaged  in  strengthening  the  de- 
fenses, and  in  making  all  the  necessary  prepar- 
ations for  the  ensuing  conflict.  They  did  not, 
however,  intend  to  remain  within  the  city,  and 
await  the  attack  of  the  assailants  there.  With 
the  characteristic  fearlessness  of  the  Spartan 
character,  they  determined,  when  they  found 
that  Pyrrhus  was  not  intending  to  attack  the 
city  that  night,  that  they  would  themselves  go 
out  to  meet  him  in  the  morning. 

One  reason,  however,  for  this  determination 
doubtless  was,  that  the  city  was  not  shut  in 
with  substantial  walls  and  defenses,  like  most 
of  the  other  cities  of  Greece,  as  it  was  a  matter 
of  pride  with  the  Spartans  to  rely  on  their  own 
personal  strength  and  courage  for  protection, 
rather  than  on  artificial  bulwarks  and  towers. 
Still,  such  artificial  aids  were  not  wholly  de- 
spised, and  they  now  determined  to  do  what 
was  in  their  power  in  this  respect,  by  throwing 
up  a  rampart  of  earth,  under  cover  of  the  dark- 
ness of  the  night,  along  the  line  over  which  the 
enemy  must  march  in  attacking  the  city.  This 
work  was  accordingly  begun.  They  would  not, 
however,  employ  the  soldiers  in  the  work,  or  any 
strong  and  able-bodied  men  capable  of  bearing 


276  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  272. 

Ditch  dug.  Ramparts  raised.  The  labors  of  the  women. 

arms.  They  wished  to  reserve  the  strength  of 
all  these  for  the  more  urgent  and  dreadful  work 
of  the  following  day.  The  ditch  was  accord- 
ingly dug,  and  the  ramparts  raised  by  the  boys, 
the  old  men,  and  especially  by  the  women.  The 
women  of  all  ranks  in  the  city  went  out  and 
toiled  all  night  at  this  labor,  having  laid  aside 
half  their  clothes,  that  their  robes  might  not 
hinder  them  in  the  digging.  The  reader,  how- 
ever, must  not,  in  his  imagination,  invest  these 
fair  laborers  with  the  delicate  forms,  and  gentle 
manners,  and  timid  hearts  which  are  generally 
deemed  characteristic  of  women,  for  the  Spar- 
tan females  were  trained  expressly,  from  their 
earliest  life,  to  the  most  rough  and  bold  expos- 
ures and  toils.  They  were  inured  from  infancy 
to  hardihood,  by  being  taught  to  contend  in  pub- 
lic wrestlings  and  games,  to  endure  every  spe- 
cies of  fatigue  and  exposure,  and  to  despise  ev- 
ery thing  like  gentleness  and  delicacy.  In  a 
word,  they  were  little  less  masculine  in  appear- 
ance and  manners  than  the  men ;  and  accord- 
ingly, when  Archidamia  went  into  the  senate- 
chamber  with  a  drawn  sword  in  her  hand,  and 
there,  boldly  facing  the  whole  assembly,  de- 
clared that  the  women  would  on  no  account 
consent  to  leave  the  city,  she  acted  in  a  manner 


B.C.272.]  THE  LAST  CAMPAIGN.  277 

Digging  the  trench.  Soldiers  at  work  all  night. 

not  at  all  inconsistent  with  what  at  Sparta  was 
•considered  the  proper  position  and  character  of 
her  sex.  In  a  word,  the  Spartan  women  were 
as  bold  and  stern,  and  almost  as  formidable,  as 
the  men. 

All  night  long  the  work  of  excavation  went 
on.  Those  who  were  too  young  or  too  feeble  to 
work  were  employed  hi  going  to  and  fro,  carry- 
ing tools  where  they  were  required,  or  bringing 
food  and  drink  to  those  who  were  digging  in  the 
trench,  while  the  soldiers  remained  quietly  at 
rest  within  the  city,  awaiting  the  duties  which 
were  to  devolve  upon  them  in  the  morning. 
The  trench  was  made  wide  and  deep  enough  to 
impede  the  passage  of  the  elephants  and  of  the 
cavalry,  and  it  was  guarded  at  the  ends  by 
wagons,  the  wheels  of  which  were  half  buried 
in  the  ground  at  the  places  chosen  for  them,  in 
order  to  render  them  immovable.  All  this  work 
was  performed  in  such  silence  and  secresy  that 
it  met  with  no  interruption  from  Pyrrhus's  camp, 
and  the  whole  was  completed  before  the  morn- 
ing dawned. 

As  soon  as  it  began  to  be  light,  the  camp  of 
Pyrrhus  was  in  motion.  All  was  excitement 
and  commotion,  too,  within  the  city.  The  sol- 
diers assumed  their  arms  and  formed  in  array. 


278  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  272. 

The  women  assist.  Effect  of  the  trench.  The  wagons. 

The  women  gathered  around  them  while  they 
were  making  these  preparations,  assisting  them 
to  buckle  on  their  armor,  and  animating  them 
with  words  of  sympathy  and  encouragement. 
"  How  glorious  it  will  be  for  you,"  said  they,  "  to 
gain  a  victory  here  in  the  precincts  of  the  city, 
where  we  can  all  witness  and  enjoy  your  tri- 
umph ;  and  even  if  you  fall  in  the  contest,  your 
mothers  and  your  wives  are  close  at  hand  to  re- 
ceive you  to  their  arms,  arid  to  soothe  and  sus- 
tain you  in  your  dying  struggles !" 

"When  all  was  ready,  the  men  marched  forth 
to  meet  the  advancing  columns  of  Pyrrhus's 
army,  and  the  battle  soon  began.  Pyrrhus  soon 
found  that  the  trench  which  the  Spartans  had 
dug  in  the  night  was  destined  greatly  to  ob- 
struct his  intended  operations.  The  horse  and 
the  elephants  could  not  cross  it  at  all ;  and  even 
the  men,  if  they  succeeded  in  getting  over  the 
ditch,  were  driven  back  when  attempting  to  as- 
cend the  rampart  of  earth  which  had  been  form- 
ed along  the  side  of  it,  by  the  earth  thrown  up 
in  making  the  excavation,  for  this  earth  was 
loose  and  steep,  and  afforded  them  no  footing. 
Various  attempts  were  made  to  dislodge  the 
wagons  that  had  been  fixed  into  the  ground  at 
the  ends  of  the  trench,  but  for  a  time  all  these 


B.C.  272.]  THE    LAST    CAMPAIGN.          279 

Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Pyrrhus,  removes  the  wagons. 

efforts  were  fruitless.  At  last,  however,  Ptole- 
my, the  son  of  Pyrrhus,  came  very  near  suc- 
ceeding. He  had  the  command  of  a  force  of 
about  two  thousand  Gauls,  and  with  this  body 
he  made  a  circuit,  so  as  to  come  upon  the  line 
of  wagons  in  such  a  manner  as  to  give  him  a 
great  advantage  in  attacking  them.  The  Spar- 
tans fought  very  resolutely  in  defense  of  them ; 
but  the  Gauls  gradually  prevailed,  and  at  length 
succeeded  in  dragging  several  of  the  wagons  up 
out  of  the  earth.  All  that  they  thus  extricated 
they  drew  off  out  of  the  way,  and  threw  them 
into  the  river. 

Seeing  this,  young  Acrotatus,  the  prince 
whom  Areus  his  father,  now  absent,  as  the  read- 
er will  recollect,  in  Crete,  had  left  in  command 
in  Sparta  when  he  went  away,  hastened  to  in- 
terpose. He  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  a 
small  band  of  two  or  three  hundred  men,  and, 
crossing  the  city  on  the  other  side,  he  went 
unobserved,  and  then,  making  a  circuit,  came 
round  and  attacked  the  Gauls,  who  were  at 
work  on  the  wagons  in  the  rear.  As  the  Gauls 
had  already  a  foe  hi  front  nearly  strong  enough 
to  cope  with  them,  this  sudden  assault  from  be- 
hind entirely  turned  the  scale.  They  were 
driven  away  in  great  confusion.  This  feat  be- 


280  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  272. 

The  triumph  of  Acrotatus.  Pyrrhus's  dream. 

ing  accomplished,  Acrotatus  came  back  at  the 
head  of  his  detachment  into  the  city,  panting 
and  exhausted  with  the  exertions  he  had  made, 
and  covered  with  blood.  He  was  received  there 
with  the  loudest  applause  and  acclamations. 
The  women  gathered  around  him,  and  over- 
whelmed him  with  thanks  and  congratulations. 
"  Gro  to  Chelidonis,"  said  they,  "  and  rest.  She 
ought  to  be  yours.  You  have  deserved  her. 
How  we  envy  her  such  a  lover !" 

The  contest  continued  all  the  day,  and  when 
night  came  on  Pyrrhus  found  that  he  had  made 
no  sensible  progress  in  the  work  of  gaining  en- 
trance into  the  city.  He  was,  however,  now 
forced  to  postpone  all  further  efforts  till  the  fol- 
lowing day.  At  the  proper  time  he  retired  to 
rest,  but  he  awoke  very  early  in  the  morning 
in  a  state  of  great  excitement ;  and,  calling  up 
some  of  the  officers  around  him,  he  related  to 
them  a  remarkable  dream  which  he  had  had 
during  the  night,  and  which,  he  thought,  pre- 
saged success  to  the  efforts  which  they  were  to 
make  on  the  following  day.  He  had  seen,  he 
said,  in  his  dream,  a  flash  of  lightning  dart  from 
the  sky  upon  Sparta,  and  set  the  whole  city  on 
fire.  This,  he  argued,  was  a  divine  omen  which 
promised  them  certain  success;  and  he  called 


B.C. 272.]  THE    LAST    CAMPAIGN.          281 


The  dream  produces  no  effect. 


upon  the  generals  to  marshal  the  troops  and 
prepare  for  the  onset,  saying,  "  We  are  sure  of 
victory  now." 

Whether  Pyrrhus  really  had  had  such  a 
dream,  or  whether  he  fabricated  the  story  for 
the  purpose  of  inspiring  anew  the  courage  and 
confidence  of  his  men,  which,  as  would  nat- 
urally be  supposed,  might  have  been  somewhat 
weakened  by  the  ill  success  of  the  preceding 
day,  can  not  be  absolutely  ascertained.  Which- 
ever it  was,  it  failed  wholly  of  its  intended  ef- 
fect. Pyrrhus's  generals  said,  in  reply,  that  the 
omen  was  adverse,  and  not  propitious,  for  it  was 
one  of  the  fundamendal  principles  of  haruspicial 
science  that  lightning  made  sacred  whatever  it 
touched.  It  was  forbidden  even  to  step  upon 
the  ground  where  a  thunder-bolt  had  fallen; 
and  they  ought  to  consider,  therefore,  that  the 
descent  of  the  lightning  upon  Sparta,  as  figured 
to  Pyrrhus  in  the  dream,  was  intended  to  mark 
the  city  as  under  the  special  protection  of  heav- 
en, and  to  warn  the  invaders  not  to  molest  it. 
Finding  thus  that  the  story  of  his  vision  pro- 
duced a  different  effect  from  the  one  he  had  in- 
tended, Pyrrhus  changed  his  ground,  and  told 
his  generals  that  no  importance  whatever  was 
to  be  attached  to  visions  and  dreams.  They 


282  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  272. 

Pyrrhus  tries  another  plan.  The  battle. 

might  serve,  he  argued,  very  well  to  amuse  the 
ignorant  and  superstitious,  but  wise  men  should 
be  entirely  above  being  influenced  by  them  in 
any  way.  "  You  have  something  better  than 
these  things  to  trust  in,"  said  he.  "  You  have 
arms  in  your  hands,  and  you  have  Pyrrhus  for 
your  leader.  This  is  proof  enough  for  you  that 
you  are  destined  to  conquer." 

How  far  these  assurances  were  found  effect- 
ual in  animating  the  courage  of  the  generals 
we  do  not  know  ;  but  the  result  did  not  at  all 
confirm  Pyrrhus's  vain  -  glorious  predictions. 
During  the  first  part  of  the  day,  indeed,  he 
made  great  progress,  and  for  a  time  it  appear- 
ed probable  that  the  city  was  about  to  fall  into 
his  hands.  The  plan  of  his  operations  was  first 
to  fill  up  the  ditch  which  the  Spartans  had 
made  ;  the  soldiers  throwing  into  it  for  this 
purpose  great  quantities  of  materials  of  every 
kind,  such  as  earth,  stones,  fagots,  trunks  of 
trees,  and  whatever  came  most  readily  to  hand. 
They  used  in  this  work  immense  quantities  of 
dead  bodies,  which  they  found  scattered  over 
the  plain,  the  results  of  the  conflict  of  the  pre- 
ceding day.  By  means  of  the  horrid  bridging 
thus  made,  the  troops  attempted  to  make  their 
way  across  the  ditch,  while  the  Spartans,  form- 


B.C.272.]  THE  LAST  CAMPAIGN. 


283 


Work  of  the  women. 


Pyrrhus  leads  the  troops  forward. 


ed  on  the  top  of  the  rampart  of  earth  on  the  in- 
ner side  of  it,  fought  desperately  to  repel  them. 
All  this  time  the  women  were  passing  back  and 
forth  between  them  and  the  city,  bringing  out 
water  and  refreshments  to  sustain  the  faint- 
ing strength  of  the  men,  and  carrying  home 
the  wounded  and  dying,  and  the  bodies  of  the 
dead. 

At  last  a  considerable  body  of  troops,  consist- 
ing of  a  division  that  was  under  the  personal 
charge  of  Pyrrhus  himself,  succeeded  in  break- 


THE  CHARGE. 


ing  through  the  Spartan  lines,  at  a  point  near 
one  end  of  the  rampart  which  had  been  thrown 
up.  "When  the  men  found  that  they  had  forced 


284  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  272. 

Pyrrhus's  horse  is  wounded.  Pyrrhus  himself  in  great  danger. 

their  way  through,  they  raised  loud  shouts  of 
exultation  and  triumph,  and  immediately  rush- 
ed forward  toward  the  city.  For  a  moment  it 
seemed  that  for  the  Spartans  all  was  lost ;  but 
the  tide  of  victory  was  soon  suddenly  turned  by 
a  very  unexpected  incident.  An  arrow  pierced 
the  breast  of  the  horse  on  which  Pyrrhus  was 
riding,  and  gave  the  animal  a  fatal  wound. 
The  horse  plunged  and  reared  in  his  agony  and 
terror,  and  then  fell,  throwing  Pyrrhus  to  the 
ground.  This  occurrence,  of  course,  arrested 
the  whole  troop  in  their  progress.  The  horse- 
men wheeled  suddenly  about,  and  gathered 
around  Pyrrhus  to  rescue  him  from  his  danger. 
This  gave  the  Spartans  time  to  rally,  and  to 
bring  up  their  forces  in  such  numbers  that  the 
Macedonian  soldiers  were  glad  to  be  able  to 
make  their  way  back  again,  bearing  Pyrrhus 
with  them  beyond  the  lines.  After  recovering 
a  little  from  the  agitation  produced  by  this  ad- 
venture, Pyrrhus  found  that  his  troops,  discour- 
aged, apparently,  by  the  fruitlessness  of  their 
efforts,  and  especially  by  this  last  misfortune, 
were  beginning  to  lose  their  spirit  and  ardor, 
and  were  fighting  feebly  and  falteringly  all 
along  the  line.  He  concluded,  therefore,  that 
there  was  no  longer  any  prospect  of  accomplish- 


B.C.272.]   THE  LAST  CAMPAIGN.  285 

The  army  retires.  Areus  and  Acrotatus. 


ing  his  object  that  day,  and  that  it  would  be 
better  to  save  the  remaining  strength  of  his 
troops  by  withdrawing  them  from  the  field, 
rather  than  to  discourage  and  enfeeble  them 
still  more  by  continuing  what  was  now  very 
clearly  a  useless  struggle.  He  accordingly  put 
a  stop  to  the  action,  and  the  army  retired  to* 
their  encampment. 

Before  he  had  opportunity  to  make  a  third  at- 
tempt, events  occurred  which  entirely  changed 
the  whole  aspect  of  the  controversy.  The  reader 
will  recollect  that  Areus,  the  king  of  Sparta, 
was  absent  in  Crete  at  the  time  of  Pyrrhus's- 
arrival,  and  that  the  command  of  the  army  de- 
volved, during  his  absence,  on  Acrotatus,  his 
son  ;  for  the  kings  of  the  other  line,  for  some 
reason  or  other,  took  a  very  small  part  in  the 
public  affairs  of  the  city  at  this  time,  and  are 
seldom  mentioned  in  history.  Areus,  as  soo~x 
as  he  heard  of  the  Macedonian  invasion,  imme- 
diately collected  a  large  force  and  set  out  on 
his  return  to  Sparta,  and  he  entered  into  the 
city  at  the  head  of  two  thousand  men  just  after 
the  second  repulse  which  Acrotatus  had  given 
to  their  enemies.  At  the  same  time,  too,  an- 
other body  of  re-enforcements  came  in  from 
Corinth,  consisting  of  allies  of  the  Spartans, 


286  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  272. 

Areus  comes  to  succor  the  city. 

gathered  from  the  northern  part  of  the  Pelopon- 
nesus. The  arrival  of  these  troops  in  the  city 
filled  the  Spartans  with  joy,  and  entirely  dis- 
pelled their  fears.  They  considered  themselves 
as  now  entirely  safe.  The  old  men  and  the 
women,  considering  that  their  places  were  now 
abundantly  supplied,  thenceforth  withdrew  from 
all  active  participation  in  the  contest,  and  re- 
tired to  their  respective  homes,  to  rest  and  re- 
fresh themselves  after  their  toils. 

Notwithstanding  this,  however,  Pyrrhus  was 
not  yet  prepared  to  give  up  the  contest.  The 
immediate  effect,  in  fact,  of  the  arrival  of  the 
re-enforcements  was  to  arouse  his  spirit  anew, 
and  to  stimulate  him  to  a  fresh  determination 
that  he  would  not  be  defeated  in  his  purpose, 
but  that  he  would  conquer  the  city  at  all  haz- 
ards. He  accordingly  made  several  more  des- 
perate attempts,  but  they  were  wholly  unsuc- 
cessful ;  and  at  length,  after  a  series  of  losses 
and  defeats,  he  was  obliged  to  give  up  the  con- 
test and  withdraw.  He  retired,  accordingly,  to 
some  little  distance  from  Sparta,  where  he  es- 
tablished a  permanent  camp,  subsisting  his  sol- 
diers by  plundering  the  surrounding  country. 
He  was  vexed  and  irritated  by  the  mortifica- 
tions and  disappointments  which  he  had  en- 


B.C.272.]  THE  LAST  CAMPAIGN.  287 

Pyrrhus  receives  a  new  invitation.  Argos. 

dured,  and  waited  impatiently  for  an  opportuni- 
ty to  seek  revenge. 

While  he  was  thus  pondering  his  situation, 
uncertain  what  to  do  next,  he  received  one  day 
a  message  from  Argos,  a  city  in  the  northern 
part  of  the  Peloponnesus,  asking  him  to  come 
and  take  part  in  a  contest  which  had  heen 
opened  there.  It  seems  that  a  civil  war  had 
broken  out  in  that  city,  and  one  of  the  leaders, 
knowing  the  character  of  Pyrrhus,  and  his  readi- 
ness to  engage  in  any  quarrel  which  was  offer- 
ed to  him,  had  concluded  to  apply  for  his  aid. 
Pyrrhus  was,  as  usual,  very  ready  to  yield  to 
this  request.  It  afforded  him,  as  similar  propo- 
sals had  so  often  done  before,  a  plausible  excuse 
for  abandoning  an  enterprise  in  which  he  began 
to  despair  of  being  able  to  succeed.  He  imme- 
diately commenced  his  march  to  the  northward. 
The  Spartans,  however,  were  by  no  means  dis- 
posed to  allow  him  to  go  off  unmolested.  They 
advanced  with  all  the  force  they  could  com- 
mand, and,  though  they  were  not  powerful 
enough  to  engage  him  in  a  general  battle,  they 
harassed  him  and  embarrassed  his  march  in  a 
very  vexatious  manner.  They  laid  ambushes 
in  the  narrow  defiles  through  which  he  had  to 
pass  ;  they  cut  off  his  detachments,  and  plun- 


288  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  272. 

Pyrrhus  leaves  Spana,  and  is  pursued.  Death  of  Ptolemy. 

dered  and  destroyed  his  baggage.  Pyrrhus  at 
length  sent  back  a  body  of  his  guards  under 
Ptolemy,  his  son,  to  drive  them  away.  Ptolemy 
attacked  the  Spartans  and  fought  them  with 
great  bravery,  until  at  length,  in  the  heat  of 
the  contest,  a  celebrated  Cretan,  of  remarkable 
strength  and  activity,  riding  furiously  up  to 
Ptolemy,  felled  him  to  the  ground,  and  killed 
him  at  a  single  blow.  On  seeing  him  fall,  his 
detachment  were  struck  with  dismay,  and,  turn- 
ing their  backs  on  the  Spartans,  fled  to  Pyrrhus 
with  the  tidings. 

Pyrrhus  was,  of  course,  excited  to  the  high- 
est pitch  of  phrensy  at  hearing  what  had  occur- 
red. He  immediately  placed  himself  at  the 
head  of  a  troop  of  horse,  and  galloped  back  to 
attack  the  Spartans  and  avenge  the  death  of  his 
son.  He  assaulted  his  enemies,  when  he  reach- 
ed the  ground  where  they  were  posted,  in  the 
most  furious  manner,  and  killed  great  numbers 
of  them  in  the  conflict  that  ensued.  At  one 
time,  he  was  for  a  short  period  in  the  most  im- 
minent danger.  A  Spartan,  named  Evalcus, 
who  came  up  and  engaged  him  hand  to  hand, 
aimed  a  blow  at  his  head,  which,  although  it 
failed  of  its  intended  effect,  came  down  close  in 
front  of  his  body,  as  he  sat  upon  his  horse,  and 


B.C.272.]  THE  LAST  CAMPAIGN. 

Combat  with  Evalcus.  Pyrrhus's  revenge. 

cut  off  the  reins  of  the  bridle.  The  instant  af- 
ter, Pyrrhus  transfixed  Evalcus  with  his  spear. 
Of  course,  Pyrrhus  had  now  no  longer  the  con- 
trol of  his  horse,  and  he  accordingly  leaped  from 
him  to  the  ground  and  fought  on  foot,  while  the 
Spartans  gathered  around,  endeavoring  to  res- 
cue and  protect  the  body  of  Evalcus.  A  furious 
and  most  terrible  contest  ensued,  in  which  many 
on  both  sides  were  slain.  At  length  Pyrrhus 
made  good  his  retreat  from  the  scene,  and  the 
Spartans  themselves  finally  withdrew.  Pyrrhus 
having  thus,  by  way  of  comfort  for  his  grief, 
taken  the  satisfaction  of  revenge,  resumed  his 
march  and  went  to  Argos. 

Arrived  before  the  city,  he  found  that  there 
was  an  army  opposed  to  him  there,  under  the 
command  of  a  general  named  Antigonus.  His 
army  was  encamped  upon  a  hill  near  the  city, 
awaiting  his  arrival.  The  mind  of  Pyrrhus  had 
become  so  chafed  and  irritated  by  the  opposition 
which  he  had  encountered,  and  the  defeats,  dis- 
appointments, and  mortifications  which  he  had 
endured,  that  he  was  full  of  rage  and  fury,  and 
seemed  to  manifest  the  temper  of  a  wild  beast 
rather  than  that  of  a  man.  He  sent  a  herald 
to  the  camp  of  Antigonus,  angrily  defying  him, 
aud  challenging  him  to  come  down  from  his  en- 
22—19 


290  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  272. 

Pyrrhus  before  the  walls  of  Argos.  A  stratagem. 

campment  and  meet  him  in  single  combat  on 
the  plain.  Antigonus  very  coolly  replied  that 
time  was  a  -weapon  which  he  employed  in  his 
contests  as  well  as  the  sword,  and  that  he  was 
not  yet  ready  for  a  battle  ;  adding,  that  if  Pyr- 
rhus was  weary  of  his  life,  and  very  impatient 
to  end  it,  there  were  plenty  of  modes  by  which 
he  could  accomplish  his  desire. 

Pyrrhus  remained  for  some  days  before  the 
walls  of  Argos,  during  which  time  various  ne- 
gotiations took  place  between  the  people  of  the 
city  and  the  several  parties  involved  in  the  quar- 
rel, with  a  view  to  an  amicable  adjustment  of 
the  dispute,  in  order  to  save  the  city  from  the 
terrors  attendant  upon  a  contest  for  the  posses- 
sion of  it  between  such  mighty  armies.  At 
length  some  sort  of  settlement  was  made,  and 
both  armies  agreed  to  retire.  Pyrrhus,  how- 
ever, had  no  intention  of  keeping  his  agreement. 
Having  thrown  the  people  of  the  city  somewhat 
off  their  guard  by  his  promise,  he  took  occasion 
to  advance  stealthily  to  one  of  the  gates  at  dead 
of  night,  and  there,  the  gate  being  opened  to 
him  by  a  confederate  within  the  city,  he  began 
to  march  his  soldiers  in.  The  troops  were  or- 
dered to  keep  silence,  and  to  step  noiselessly, 
and  thus  a  large  body  of  Gauls  gained  admis- 


B.C.272.]  THE  LAST  CAMPAIGN.  291 

Attempt  of  the  elephants  to  enter  the  city. 

sion,  and  posted  themselves  in  the  market-place 
without  alarming  or  awakening  the  inhabitants. 
To  render  this  story  credible,  we  must  suppose 
that  the  sentinels  and  guards  had  been  previous- 
ly gained  over  to  Pyrrhus's  side. 

The  foot-soldiers  having  thus  made  their  en- 
trance into  the  city,  Pyrrhus  undertook  next  to 
pass  some  of  his  elephants  in.  It  was  found, 
however,  when  they  approached  the  gate,  that 
they  could  not  enter  without  having  the  towers 
first  removed  from  their  backs,  as  the  gates 
were  only  high  enough  to  admit  the  animals 
alone.  The  soldiers  accordingly  proceeded  to 
take  off  the  towers,  and  then  the  elephants  were 
led  in.  The  towers  were  then  to  be  replaced. 
The  work  of  taking  down  the  towers,  and  then 
of  putting  them  on  again,  which  all  had  to  be 
done  hi  the  dark,  was  attended  with  great  diffi- 
culty and  delay,  and  so  much  noise  was  una- 
voidably made  in  the  operation,  that  at  length 
the  people  in  the  surrounding  houses  took  the 
alarm,  and  in  a  very  short  period  the  whole  city 
was  aroused.  Eager  gatherings  were  immedi- 
ately held  in  all  quarters.  Pyrrhus  pressed  for- 
ward with  all  haste  into  the  market-place,  and 
posted  himself  there,  arranging  his  elephants, 
his  horse,  and  his  foot  in  the  manner  best  adapt- 


292  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  272, 

Consternation  of  the  inhabitants  of  Argos. 

ed  to  protect  them  from  any  attack  that  might 
be  made.  The  people  of  Argos  crowded  into 
the  citadel,  and  sent  out  immediately  to  Antig- 
onus  to  come  in  to  their  aid.  He  at  once  put 
his  camp  hi  motion,  and,  advancing  toward  the 
walls  with  the  main  body,  he  sent  in  some  pow- 
erful detachments  of  troops  to  co-operate  with 
the  inhabitants  of  the  city.  All  these  scenes 
occurring  in  the  midst  of  the  darkness  of  the 
night,  the  people  having  been  awakened  from 
their  sleep  by  a  sudden  alarm,  were  attended, 
of  course,  by  a  dreadful  panic  and  confusion ; 
and,  to  complete  the  complication  of  horrors, 
Areus,  with  the  Spartan  army  under  his  com- 
mand, who  had  followed  Pyrrhus  in  his  approach 
to  the  city,  and  had  been  closely  watching  his 
movements  ever  since  he  had  arrived,  now  burst 
in  through  the  gates,  and  attacked  the  troops  of 
his  hated  enemy  in  the  streets,  in  the  market- 
place, and  wherever  he  could  find  them,  with 
shouts,  outcries,  and  imprecations,  that  made 
the  whole  city  one  widespread  scene  of  unut- 
terable confusion  and  terror. 

The  general  confusion  and  terror,  however, 
produced  by  the  assaults  of  the  Spartans  were 
the  only  results  that  immediately  followed  them, 
for  the  troops  soon  found  that  no  real  progress. 


B.C. 272.]  THE    LAST    CAMPAIGN.          293 

Confusion  of  the  soldiers.  Pyrrhus  waits  for  morning. 

could  be  made,  and  no  advantage  gained  by 
this  nocturnal  warfare.  The  soldiers  could  not 
distinguish  friends  from  foes.  They  could  not 
see  or  hear  their  commander,  or  act  with  any 
concert  or  in  any  order.  They  were  scattered 
about,  and  lost  their  way  in  narrow  streets,  or 
fell  into  drains  or  sewers,  and  all  attempts  on 
the  part  of  the  officers  to  rally  them,  or  to  con- 
trol them  in  any  way,  were  unavailing.  At 
length,  by  common  consent,  all  parties  desisted 
from  fighting,  and  awaited — all  in  an  awful 
condition  of  uncertainty  and  suspense  —  the 
coming  of  the  dawn. 

Pyrrhus,  as  the  objects  that  were  around  him 
were  brought  gradually  into  view  by  the  gray 
light  of  the  morning,  was  alarmed  at  seeing 
that  the  walls  of  the  citadel  were  covered  with 
armed  men,  and  at  observing  various  other  in- 
dications, by  which  he  was  warned  that  there 
was  a  very  powerful  force  opposed  to  him  with- 
in the  city.  As  the  light  increased,  and  brought 
the  boundaries  of  the  market-place  where  he 
posted  himself  into  view,  and  revealed  the  vari. 
ous  images  and  figures  which  had  been  placed 
there  to  adorn  it,  he  was  struck  with  conster- 
nation at  the  sight  of  one  of  the  groups,  as  the 
outlines  of  it  slowly  made  themselves  visible. 


294  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  272. 

The  bronze  statue.  Ancient  prophecy.  Pyrrhus's  alarm. 

It  was  a  piece  of  statuary,  in  bronze,  represent- 
ing a  combat  between  a  wolf  and  a  bull.  It 
seems  that  in  former  times  some  oracle  or  di- 
viner had  forewarned  him  that  when  he  should 
see  a  wolf  encountering  a  bull,  he  might  knovr 
that  the  hour  of  his  death  was  near.  Of  course, 
he  had  supposed  that  such  a  spectacle,  if  it  was 
indeed  true  that  he  was  ever  destined  to  see  it, 
could  only  be  expected  to  appear  in  some  se- 
cluded forest,  or  in  some  wide  and  unfrequent- 
ed spot  among  the  mountains.  Perhaps,  indeed, 
he  had  paid  very  little  attention  to  the  prophe- 
cy, and  never  expected  that  it  would  be  literal- 
ly realized.  When,  however,  this  group  in 
bronze  came  out  to  view,  it  reminded  him  of 
the  oracle,  and  the  dreadful  foreboding  which 
its  appearance  awakened,  connected  with  the 
anxiety  and  alarm  naturally  inspired  by  the  sit- 
uation in  which  he  was  placed,  filled  him  with 
consternation.  He  feared  that  his  hour  was 
come,  and  his  only  solicitude  now  was  to  make 
good  his  retreat  as  soon  as  possible  from  the 
fatal  dangers  by  which  he  seemed  to  be  sur« 
rounded. 

But  how  to  escape  was  the  difficulty.  The 
gate  was  narrow,  the  body  of  troops  with  him 
was  large,  and  he  knew  that  in  attempting  to 


THE    LAST    CAMPAIGN.         295 

He  resolves  to  retreat  from  the  city. 

retire  he  would  be  attacked  from  all  the  streets 
Sn  the  vicinity,  and  from  the  tops  of  the  houses 
and  walls,  and  that  his  column  would  inevita- 
bly he  thrown  into  disorder,  and  would  choke 
up  the  gateway  and  render  it  wholly  impassa- 
ble, through  their  eagerness  to  escape  and  the 
confusion  that  would  ensue.  He  accordingly 
sent  out  a  messenger  to  his  son  Helenus,  who 
remained  all  the  time  in  command  of  the  main 
Ibody  of  the  army,  without  the  walls,  directing 
him  to  come  forward  with  all  his  force,  and 
break  down  a  portion  of  the  wall  adjoining  the 
gateway,  so  as  to  open  a  free  egress  for  his 
troops  in  then-  retreat  from  the  city.  He  re- 
mained himself  at  his  position  in  the  market- 
place until  time  had  elapsed  sufficient,  as  he 
judged,  for  Helenus  to  have  received  his  orders, 
and  to  have  reached  the  gate  hi  the  execution 
of  them ;  and  then,  being  by  this  time  hard 
pressed  by  his  enemies,  who  began  early  in  the 
morning  to  attack  him  on  all  quarters,  he  put 
his  troops  in  motion,  and  in  the  midst  of  a  scene 
of  shouts,  uproar,  terror,  and  confusion  indescri- 
bable, the  whole  body  moved  on  toward  the 
gate,  expecting  that,  by  the  time  they  arrived 
there,  Helenus  would  have  accomplished  his 
work,  and  that  they  should  find  a  broad  open- 


296  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  272. 

Pyrrhus  finds  the  streets  blocked  up.  Dreadful  confusion. 

ing  made,  which  would  allow  of  an  easy  egress. 
Instead  of  this,  however,  they  found,  before 
they  reached  the  gate,  that  the  streets  before 
them  were  entirely  blocked  up  with  an  im- 
mense concourse  of  soldiers  that  were  pouring 
tumultuously  into  the  city.  It  seems  that  He- 
lenus  had,  in  some  way  or  other,  misunderstood 
the  orders,  and  supposed  that  he  was  directed 
to  enter  the  city  himself,  to  re-enforce  his  father 
within  the  walls.  The  shock  of  the  encounter 
produced  by  these  opposing  currents  redoubled 
the  confusion.  Pyrrhus,  and  the  officers  with 
him,  'shouted  out  orders  to  the  advancing  sol- 
diers of  Helenus  to  fall  back ;  but  in  the  midst 
of  the  indescribable  din  and  confusion  that  pre- 
vailed, no  vociferation,  however  loud,  could  be 
heard.  Nor,  if  the  orders  had  been  heard,  could 
they  have  been  obeyed,  for  the  van  of  the  com- 
ing column  was  urged  forward  irresistibly  by 
the  pressure  of  those  behind,  and  the  panic 
which  by  this  time  prevailed  among  the  troops 
of  Pyrrhus's  command  made  them  frantic  and 
furious  in  their  efforts  to  force  their  way  onward 
and  get  out  of  the  city.  An  awful  scene  of 
confusion  and  destruction  ensued.  Men  press* 
ed  and  trampled  each  other  to  death,  and  the 
air  was  filled  with  shrieks  and  cries  of  pain  and 


B.C. 272.]   THE    LAST    CAMPAIGN.          297 

The  fallen  elephant  in  the  gateway. 

terror.  The  destruction  of  life  was  very  great, 
"but  it  was  produced  almost  entirely  by  the  press- 
ure and  the  confusion — men,  horses,  and  ele- 
phants being  mingled  inextricably  together  in 
one  vast  living  mass,  which  seemed,  to  those 
who  looked  down  upon  it  from  above,  to  be 
writhing  and  struggling  in  the  most  horrible 
contortions.  There  was  no  fighting,  for  there 
was  no  room  for  any  one  to  strike  a  blow.  If 
a  man  drew  his  sword  or  raised  his  pike,  his 
arms  were  caught  and  pinioned  immediately 
by  the  pressure  around  him,  and  he  found  him- 
self utterly  helpless.  The  injury,  therefore, 
that  was  done,  was  the  result  almost  altogether 
of  the  pressure  and  the  struggles,  and  of  the 
trampling  of  the  elephants  and  the  horses  upon 
the  men,  and  of  the  men  upon  each  other. 

The  elephants  added  greatly  to  the  confusion 
of  the  scene.  One  of  the  largest  in  the  troop 
fell  in  the  gateway,  and  lay  there  for  some  time 
on  his  side,  unable  to  rise,  and  braying  in  a  ter- 
rific manner.  Another  was  excited  to  a  phrensy 
by  the  loss  of  his  master,  who  had  fallen  off 
from  his  head,  wounded  by  a  dart  or  a  spear. 
The  faithful  animal  turned  around  to  save  him. 
With  his  trunk  he  threw  the  men  who  were  in 
the  way  off  to  the  right  hand  and  the  left,  and 


298  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  272. 

Pyrrhus  is  greatly  alarmed.  He  lays  uiJa  his  plumo. 

then,  taking  up  the  body  of  his  master  with  his 
trunk,  he  placed  it  carefully  upon  his  tusks,  and 
then  attempted  to  force  a  passage  through  tho 
crowd,  trampling  down  all  who  came  in  his 
way.  History  has  awarded  to  this  elephant  a 
distinction  which  he  well  deserved,  by  recording 
his  name.  It  was  Nicon. 

All  this  time  Pyrrhus  was  near  the  rear  of 
his  troops,  and  thus  was  in  some  degree  re- 
moved from  the  greatest  severity  of  the  press- 
ure. He  turned  and  fought,  from  time  to  time, 
with  those  who  were  pressing  upon  his  line  from 
behind.  As  the  danger  became  more  imminent, 
he  took  out  from  his  helmet  the  plume  by  which 
he  was  distinguished  from  the  other  generals, 
and  gave  it  to  a  friend  who  was  near  him,  hi 
order  that  he  might  be  a  less  conspicuous  mark 
for  the  shafts  of  his  enemies.  The  combats, 
however,  between  his  party  and  those  who  were 
harassing  them  in  the  rear  were  still  continued ; 
and  at  length,  in  one  of  them,  a  man  of  Argos 
wounded  him,  by  throwing  a  javelin  with  so 
much  force  that  the  point  of  it  passed  through 
his  breast-plate  and  entered  his  side.  The  wound 
was  not  dangerous,  but  it  had  the  effect  of  mad- 
dening Pyrrhus  against  the  man  who  had  in- 
flicted it,  and  he  turned  upon  him  with  great 


DEATH  OF  PVRRHUS. 


B.C. 272.]  THE    LAST    CAMPAIGN.  301 

lie  is  struck  by  a  tile  thrown  down  upon  him. 

fury,  as  if  he  were  intending  to  annihilate  him 
at  a  blow.  He  would  very  probably  have  kill- 
ed the  Greek,  had  it  not  been  that  just  at  that 
moment  the  mother  of  the  man,  by  a  very  sin- 
gular coincidence,  was  surveying  the  scene  from 
a  house-top  which  overlooked  the  street  where 
these  events  were  occurring.  She  immediately 
seized  a  heavy  tile  from  the  roof,  and  with  all 
her  strength  hurled  it  into  the  street  upon  Pyr- 
rhus  just  as  he  was  striking  the  blow.  The 
tile  came  down  upon  his  head,  and,  striking 
the  helmet  heavily,  it  carried  both  helmet  and 
head  down  together,  and  crushed  the  lower  ver- 
tebrae of  the  neck  at  their  junction  with  the 
spine. 

Pyrrhus  dropped  the  reins  from  his  hands, 
and  fell  over  from  his  horse  heavily  to  the 
ground.  It  happened  that  no  one  knew  him 
who  saw  him  fall,  for  so  great  had  been  the 
crowd  and  confusion,  that  Pyrrhus  had  got  sep- 
arated from  his  immediate  friends.  Those  who 
were  near  him,  therefore,  when  he  fell,  pressed 
on,  intent  only  on  their  own  safety,  and  left  him 
where  he  lay.  At  last  a  soldier  of  Antigonus's 
army,  named  Zopyrus,  coming  up  to  the  spot, 
accompanied  by  several  others  of  his  party, 
looked  upon  the  wounded  man  and  recognized 


302  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  272. 

His  dreadful  death.  The  head  borne  away. 

him  as  Pyrrhus.  They  lifted  him  up,  and 
dragged  him  out  of  the  street  to  a  portico  that 
was  near.  Zopyrus  drew  his  sword,  and  raised 
it  to  cut  off  his  prisoner's  head.  At  this  instant 
Pyrrhus  opened  his  eyes,  and  rolled  them  up 
with  such  a  horrid  expression  as  to  strike  Zopy- 
rus with  terror.  His  arm  consequently  falter- 
ed in  dealing  the  hlow,  so  that  he  missed  his 
aim,  and  instead  of  striking  the  neck,  only 
wounded  and  mutilated  the  mouth  and  chin. 
He  was  obliged  to  repeat  the  stroke  again  and 
again  before  the  neck  was  sundered.  At  length, 
however,  the  dreadful  deed  was  done,  and  the 
head  was  severed  from  the  body. 

Very  soon  after  this,  Halcyoncus,  the  son  of 
Antigonus,  rode  up  to  the  spot,  and  after  learn- 
ing what  had  occurred,  he  asked  the  soldiers  to 
lift  up  the  head  to  him,  that  he  might  look  at  it 
a  moment.  As  soon  as  it  was  within  his  reach, 
he  seized  it  and  rode  away,  in  order  to  carry  it 
to  his  father.  He  found  his  father  sitting  with 
his  friends,  and  threw  down  the  head  at  his 
feet,  as  a  trophy  which  he  supposed  his  father 
would  rejoice  to  see.  Antigonus  was,  however, 
in  fact,  extremely  shocked  at  the  spectacle.  He 
reproved  his  son  in  the  severest  terms  for  his 
brutality,  and  then,  sending  for  the  mutilated 


B.C. 272.]  THE    LAST    CAMPAIGN.  303 


Summary  of  Pyrrhus's  character. 


trunk,  he  gave  to  the  whole  body  an  honorable 
burial. 

That  Pyrrhus  was  a  man  of  great  native 
power  of  mind,  and  of  extraordinary  capacity 
as  a  military  leader,  no  one  can  deny.  His  ca- 
pacity and  genius  were  in  fact  so  great,  as  to 
make  him,  perhaps,  the  most  conspicuous  ex- 
ample that  the  world  has  produced  of  the  man- 
ner in  which  the  highest  power  and  the  noblest 
opportunities  may  be  wasted  and  thrown  away. 
He  accomplished  nothing.  He  had  no  plan,  no 
aim,  no  object,  but  obeyed  every  momentary 
impulse,  and  entered,  without  thought  and  with- 
out calculation,  into  any  scheme  that  chance,  or 
the  ambitious  designs  of  others,  might  lay  be- 
fore him.  He  succeeded  in  creating  a  vast  deal 
of  turmoil  and  war,  in  killing  an  immense  num- 
ber of  men,  and  in  conquering,  though  tempo- 
rarily and  to  no  purpose,  a  great  many  king- 
doms. It  was  mischief,  and  only  mischief,  that 
he  did ;  and  though  the  scale  on  which  he  per- 
petrated mischief  was  great,  his  fickleness  and 
vacillation  deprived  it  altogether  of  the  dignity 
of  greatness.  His  crimes  against  the  peace 
and  welfare  of  mankind  did  not  arise  from  any 
peculiar  depravity ;  he  was,  on  the  contrary, 
naturally  of  a  noble  and  generous  spirit,  though 


304  PYRRHUS.  [B.C.  272. 

Conclusion. 

in  process  of  time,  through  the  reaction  of  his 
conduct  upon  his  heart,  these  good  qualities  al- 
most entirely  disappeared.  Still,  he  seems  never 
really  to  have  wished  mankind  ill.  He  perpe- 
trated his  crimes  against  them  thoughtlessly, 
merely  for  the  purpose  of  showing  what  great 
things  he  could  do. 


THE  END. 


